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A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY

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a manual of Cbut^b .ffisi<)t^

ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, aD^ LL.D.

Pro/issor of Church History in Bqyhr Unhtrsitjf

Dtpartmmt Editor of Church History for Nsw Seh^-Hir^og En0fchp4dia

Author of '*A History of the Baptist Churches m the United States "

''A HisUny of Anti-Pedobaptism*' eU.

Voitfinel

Bncient anO flleMamil Cbntcb lUetont

(To A.aJ5l7)

tEbe Bmetican Jlapti0t publication Societig

1701-1709 Chertml Scraet. Plul«Uplua

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Published January. iga4

from tbc flocictv'f own prcM PrioMd 1

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h}\

S)r« aiDert Mauck

Trofsssor in th$ Uniwrsity of U^^g^

Gsh, Kirchmrath^ Editor of ths *' T{$al'Em^klopadie'^

and tAvihor of the gnat *^ KirciungischichU Dmtscklands " that

has fsemtly bun awarded the V§rdim Pri^e^ the highest distinction

that a work on German History can reaioe

AND

2)n ?obann Xo0ettb

'Professor in the Urnotrsity of Gra^, the highest authority on

IVycliffite, Hussite^ and ^Anabaptist literature and

history^ to whose writings and friendly

offices the author is under pro'

found obligation

THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

89D649

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PREFACE

This work is the product of over twenty years of
almost continuous application on the author's part to the
study and teaching of church history. It has been his
constant endeavor in every part of the volume to incor-
porate the best results of recent research, and to furnish
to his readers information at once trustworthy, impartial,
and fairly adequate on every topic discussed.

While the work has grown out of the author's own
needs and experiences as a teacher, and is primarily
intended as a text-book for theological seminaries and
universities, he believes that it is equally adapted to the
requirements of ministers of the gospel and of intelligent
laymen throughout our great Baptist constituency. As he
has conscientiously striven to record the facts as he has
found them, without distorting them in the slightest
degree in favor of any particular view of history, or any
peculiar tenets of his denomination, he sees no reason
why the work should not be acceptable and useful to
members of other denominations as well as to those of his
own. The recognition given to the author's fair-minded-
ness and freedom from partisanship by leading scholars
of other denominations who have reviewed his earlier
works induces the hope that this also will find a large
number of sympathetic readers in the various bodies of
evangelical Christians.

It has long been the conviction of the author that a
place should be given to church history in the curricula of
all colleges and universities. A number of leading Amer-
ican universities have followed those of England and
Germany in giving to the history of the Christian religion
a place side by side with Greek and Roman history and
philosophy, mediaeval and modern political history, con-
stitutional history, the philosophy of history, the history
of philosophy, comparative religion, sociology, etc., as

▼ii

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VUl PREFACE

fundamental to the effective study of humanity. If, as is
unquestionably true, Christianity has been a chief factor
in the production of all that is best in modern civilization,
its history should be relegated to no subordinate place
among the instruments of general culture. It is little
creditable to the Christian colleges and universities of
the United States that this important department of study
has been to so large an extent neglected.

A text-book on this subject, scientifically prepared and
free from partisanship, should encourage professors of
history to include the history of Christianity in the
courses they offer, and it is the author's earnest desire
that this work may contribute in some small measure
to the more extended study and the better understand-
ing of the greatest movement in human history.

The bibliographies interspersed through the volume,
and which it is believed will add greatly to its value, are
meant to be neither absolutely inclusive of the literature
actually used in its preparation, nor absolutely exclusive
of what has not been so used.

To Rev. Joseph Leeming Gilmour, B. D., of Hamilton
Ont., one of the most scholarly of our younger minis-
ters, the author is indebted for valuable assistance in
the preparation of the Index.

The second volume, completing the work, is in course

of preparation and will be published, it is hoped, before

the close of next year.

A. H. N.
McMastbr UmvBRsmr.
TORONTO. Canada. Octobflr, xSi.' .••

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

PA<M

INTRODUCTION.— Observations on the Study
OF Church History, and Preparation for
Christ and Christianity 1-64

Chapter l— preliminary Observations on the
Study of Church History 3-ig

Definition and Scope of Church History 3

Historiography, Objective and Subjective .... 5

Sources of Church History 9

The Employment of Sources 11

History of Church Historiography 12

Periods of Church History 16

Summary of Reasons for Studying Church His-
tory 17

Chapter ii.— the GRiCCO-ROMAN Civilization as

A PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 20-33

Greek Civilization ao

Greek Philosophy 21

The Macedonian Conquest 27

The Roman Empire 29

CHAPTER III.— PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY IN
JEWISH LIFE AND THOUGHT 34-^

The Effects of the Babylonian Captivity 35

Influence of the Persian Contact 36

The Jewish People under the Macedonian Rulers . 39

The Maccabean Struggle 44

Rise of Religious Parties 47

The Dispersion 55

The Jewish-Alexandrian Philosophy— Philo Ju-

dseus 59

Messianic Expectations 62

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X CONTENTS

PERIOD I.— From the Birth of Christ to the
End of the apostolic age (c a. d. ioo) . 65-143

chapter L— JESUS THE CHRIST 67-80

The Fullness of the Time 67

The Pre-Incarnate Word 68

From Conception to Baptism 68

The Baptism, the Temptation, and the Testimony

of John the Baptist 70

The Public Ministry of Jesus 71

Some Estimates of the Character and Influence

of Jesus 78

CHAPTER II.— THE APOSTLES 81-124

The Apostolic Church to the Conversion of Saul . 81
From the Conversion of Saul to the Jerusalem

Conference 88

From the Jerusalem Conference to the Neronian

Persecution 92

From the Neronian Persecution to the Death of

the Apostle John in

Chapter hi.— constitution of the apostolic
Churches i2$-i4i

The Church and the Churches 12$

Officers of the Apostolic Churches 131

Ordinances of the Apostolic Churches 135

Worship— Elements, Times, and Places 140

Methods of Christian Propagandism 142

PERIOD II.— FROM THE END OF THE APOSTOLIC
AGE TO THE CONVERSION OF CONSTANTINE (A.
D. 312) 145-301

CHAPTER I.— RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE RO-
MAN EMPIRE FROM THE TIME OF THE APOSTLES TILL
THE ADOPTION OF CHRISTIANITY AS THE RELIGION

OF THE EMPIRE 147-172

General Observations 147

Causes of Persecution 148

Treatment of Christians by Different Emperors . i$o

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CONTENTS Xl

Chapter il.— internal development of Chris-
tianity DURING THE SECOND AND THIRD CENTU-
RIES 175-aio

General Observations 173

Heretical Sects : Ebionites, Gnostics, Manichsans, ^^

Monarchians 174

Reactionary and Reforming Parties : Montanists,
Novatianists, Donatists 202

CHAPTER IIl.—THE CHRISTIAN LITERATURE OF THE

FIRST THREE CENTURIES 211-290

Preliminary Observations 2\\

The Edificatory Period, or the Period of the Apos-
tolic Fathers 213

The Apologetical Period 237

The Polemical Period. 246

The Scientific Period 271

CHAPTER IV.— CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY AT THE

CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 291-301

External Condition 291

Internal Condition 292

PERIOD III.— FROM THE CONVERSION OF CON-
STANTINE TO THE FOUNDING OF THE HOLY RO-
MAN EMPIRE BY CHARLEMAGNE (A. D. 800) . 303-434

Chapter I.— CHURCH AND STATE 305-319

Constantlne and his Successors 305

The State Church 311

CHAPTER II.— CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH . . VO-'y^
On Ecclesiastical Polity— the Donatist Contro-
versy 320

On the Relations of the Godhead—the Arian Con-
troversy 323

The Origenistic Controversies 332

On Christoiogy— the Nestorian, Eutychian, Mo-

nothelite, and Adoptionist Controversies . • • 335
On Anthropology— The Pelagian and Semi- Pe-
lagian Controversies 3S8

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xn CONTENTS

Controversies Occasioned by Protests Against the
Progressive Paganization of Christian Life as
seen in Asceticism, the Veneration of Saipts and
Relics, etc.— the Aerian, Jovinianist, Vigilan-
tian» PauUcisHi, and Iconoclastic Controversies . 571

CHAPTER III.— THE RISE AND GROWTH OF THE PAPAL

POWER 39S-423

Preliminary Observations 393

Leo the Great and the Papacy 397

The Pontificate of Gelasius 400

The Pontificate of Symmachus 401

Hormisdas 402

Justinian and the Papacy 402

The Merovingian Kingdom and the Church . . . 404

The Pontificate of Gregory the Great 40$

The Carlovingian Kingdom and the Papacy . . . 406
The Christianity of Britain in Relation to the

Papacy 409

The Advancement of Papal Dominion through
Missionary Endeavor: Augustine, Willibrord,

and Boniface 415

CHAPTER IV.— THE CHRISTIAN WORLD AT THE CLOSE
OF THE PERIOD 42?-4V

The East and Uie West 423

Literature and Learning 428

Church Discipline 429

Mohammedanism as a Rival of Christianity ... 431

PERIOD IV.— From the Coronation of Charle^
MAGNE as Roman Emperor to the Outbreak
of THE Protestant Revolution (a. d. 800-
1517) 435 621

CHAPTER L— Some aspects of Mediaeval Civiliza-
tion 437-494

Preliminary Observations 437

The Holy Roman Empire 439

Feudalism 443

Canon Law and Forged Dacietals 447

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CONTENTS xiii

The Roman Curia 449

Mediseval Monasticism 451

The Crusades 456

The Inquisition 463

Mediaeval Universities 469

Mediaeval Theology— Scholasticism, Mysticism . 474

The Renaissance 490

CHAPTER 11. — The Papacy during the Middle

AGES 495-540

The Popes from A. D. 800-1044 495

The Hildebrandine Scheme of Reform 502

The Controversy on Investiture and the Con-
cordat of Worms (1122) 509

The Hohenstaufen Emperors and the Popes ... $11
Decline of the Papal Power: Boniface Vlll., Pa-
pal Captivity, Papal Schism, Reforming Coun-
cils 518

The Popes of the Renaissance 53$

CHAPTER III.— REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PAR-
TIES $4I-<S2I

Preliminary Observations 541

Dualistic Dissent : Bogomiles, Cathari $43

Chlliastic and Enthusiastic Sects: Joachim of

Floris and the Joachimites, Spirituales .... $$i
Pantheistic Heresy: Amalric of Bena, Beghards

and Beguines, Brethren of the Free Spirit . . , $$^
Evangelical Separatism : Petrobruslans and Hen-
ridans, Arnold of Brescia, Humlliati, Tanchelm,
Eudo, Waldenses, Taborites, Marsiiius of Pa-
dua, Peter Chelcicky, Lollards, Bohemian

Brethren $57

Evangelical Churchly Reformers : Wydiffe, Huss,
Brethren of the Common Life, " Reformers be
fore the Reformation " 600

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INTRODUCTION

OBSERVATIONS ON THE STUDY OF CHURCH

HISTORY, AND PREPARATION FOR

CHRIST AND CHRISTIANITY

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INTRODUCTION A/. :::vv

CHAPTER I

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS ON THE STUDY OF CHURCH
HISTORY

LITERATURE: Sections on Church History in the Theological
Encyclopedias of Rabiger (English translation), Hagenbach (Eng-
lish translation, with additions by Croolcs and Hurst), Zoci<ier^i
'^HoMdbuch (Ur Tfuol. IVissmschaflm,'' Cave's " Introduction to the
Study of Theology," Dnimmond's '*Thc Study of Theology," and
SchafPs " Propaedeutics"; Introductions to the Church Histories of
Schaff, Gieseler, Hurst, Moeller, Niedner, Kurtz, Dollinger, Alzog,

study of Church History in Ministerial Education,'^ 1874; Smith,
H. B., " Nature and Worth of the Science of Church History" (in
•• Faith and Philosophy," 1877) ; De Witt, " Church History as a
Science, as a Theological Discipline, and as a Mode of the Gospel "
(in " Bibliotheca Sacra," 1883) ; McGiffert, " The Historical Study of
Christianity" (in " Bibliotheca Sacra," 1893)? Stanley, *' Lectures
on the Study of Ecclesiastical History *' (In ^^dfistory of the Eastern
Church " 1872, Introduction) : Bright, ''The Study of Church His-
tory " (in '• Waymarks of Church History," 1894).

I. DEFINITION AND SCOPE OF CHURCH HISTORY.

History in its broadest sense is the setting forth in
literary or oral form of the development in time of the
divine plan of the universe, in so far as this develop-
ment has become an object of human knowledge. This
definition involves a recognition of the fact that the uni-
verse was planned and created and has been continu-
ously sustained and ordered by an infinite God. Hu-
man history would include a narration of all that is
known of the origin of mankind and of the development
of human nature in all its aspects and under all circum-

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4 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa

stances. Sacred history is the setting forth of the
known facts of man's development as it has been af-
fected by the providential, inspiring, and self-revealing
presence of God.

Church history is the narration of all that is known
of ttie founding and the development of the kingdom
of Christ on earth. The term church history is com-
monly used to designate not merely the record of the
organized Christian life of our era, but also the record of
the career of the Christian religion itself. It includes
within its sphere the indirect influences that Christianity
has exerted on social, ethical, aesthetic, legal, economic,
and political life and thought throughout the world, no
less than its direct religious influences.

The history of Christianity has much in common with
the history of other systems of religion, and much that
is peculiar. Religion is a universal factor in human life.
The religious life of every organized people has a history
of its own. Each of the great world-religions has had
its origin, its growth, its influence on the social, ethical,
and political life of the peoples that have professed it,
has undergone changes by virtue of the influence of
ihe other elements of life and thought by which it has
been surrounded, has been modified by contact with
other systems of religion and philosophy, has developed
forms of worship, sacred rites, sacred books, sacred per-
sons and classes, sacred places, methods of propagating
itself, and theories of the origin and development of the
race and of the goal of human history. The religion
of Jesus Christ entered upon its career amid Jewish
surroundings. Jesus himself as a man was consciously
a member of the Jewish community. His early disciples
were all thoroughly imbued with the principles of Juda-
ism. By special divine grace a select few were marvel-
ously preserved from the contamination of error. But as
Christianity made its way throughout the Jewish and
pagan world it was inevitable that it should be pro-
foundly influenced by the current modes of thought and
life and that its polity, doctrines, ordinances, worship,
ethical conceptions, and ideals of life, should be assimi-
lated in some measure to those of the world in which it
had its being. It may be said in general, that just

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CHAP.l.] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS $

in proportion as the Christianity of any age and land
has submitted to the worldly influences that have
been brought to bear upon it has its development approx-
imated that of heathen religions.

In the above definition of church history it is presup-
posed that the human race is in an abnormal state,
alienated from God, and that the end of Christianity is
the restoration of man to a condition of obedience to
God and communion with him. The history of the
church should show, therefore, the progressive accom-
plishment of this divine purpose through the centuries,
taking full account of the obstacles that have presented
themselves to the triumph of Christianity and the means
by which they have been surmounted.

II. HISTORIOGRAPHY, OBJECTIVE AND SUBJECTIVE.

As the aim of the church historian should be to ascer-
tain and to represent the exact facts in their relations to
each other and to the times and circumstances concerned
in each case, it is manifestly desirable that in the process
of investigation he should deal as impartially with his
materials as does the chemist with his specimens. The
end and aim of all his research should be the accurate
ascertainment of facts in order that truth may emerge.
It is incumbent on him to guard scrupulously against al-
lowing his judgment to be swayed by the supposed
bearing of the facts on the traditions of his denomination
or his own individual opinions.

On the other hand, it is neither practicable nor desira-
ble that the church historian should be indifferent to the
subject-matter of his science or that he should be so des-
titute of convictions as to form no moral judgments on
the opinions and acts of parties and individuals whose
history he studies and seeks to expound. As a matter of
fact, the great mass of those who are in a position to de-
vote their lives to research in church history have been
so conditioned by reason of their known convictions and
ideals. . It is not the scholar who is without personal in-
terest in Christianity and who studies its history in a
purely scientific spirit, that is likely to enter into the
fullest appreciation of the facts of church history ; but

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6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [intrOl

the scholar who is most profoundly imbued with the
spirit of Christianity, rejoices in all that is Christlike and
heroic, laments the corruptions and perversions of the
past, and is most deeply concerned for the honor and
purity of the Christianity of the present and the future.
Christ is the truth. The church historian must be above
all things truthful and truth-loving. That any one
who claims to be a follower of Christ should seek
to advance the cause of Christ by the suppression of
facts or by the suggestion of falsehood is so anomalous
as to be incredible were not undoubted instances, an-
cient and modern, so numerous. The truth-loving church
historian will seek to be as scrupulously just to indi-
viduals and parties from whom he fundamentally differs
as to those with whom he fundamentally agrees. He
will be as reluctant to credit disparaging statements
against the former, when insufficiently supported by evi-
dence, as to discredit such statements against the latter
without adequate reason. The prevalent practice in the
past has been to credit every statement that bears
against one's opponents and to discredit every statement
unfavorable to one's friends. The following points of
view may be here discriminated :

I. The Romanist, maintaining that ail authority, that
of the Scriptures included, inheres in the church ; that
the church has the right to legislate independently
of Scripture ; that as vicar of Christ on earth the pope
possesses of right universal dominion, spiritual and sec-
ular, will of necessity study and write church history
from a hierarchical point of view. Convinced that •* the
greater glory of God " is involved in the realization of
the aims of the hierarchy, he will regard everything as
praiseworthy and justifiable that has ministered to the
upbuilding of hierarchical power and that the church has
approved, and everything as heretical and worthy
of reprobation that has opposed the development of the
hierarchical scheme. It is evident that the Romanist,
as such, is disqualified from treating objectively the facts
of church history. He is not even able to view the facts
subjectively as conforming or not conforming to the stand-
ard set up by his own personal moral judgment. The
standard is an objective one, fixed by church authority.

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CHAP. I.] PREUMINARY OBSERVATIONS 7

2. The Anglo-Catholic, accepting as supreme the au-
thority of the ancient undivided church as represented
by the Fathers of the first six centuries or more specifi-
cally by the canons of the first four General Councils,
and laying the utmost stress on apostolic succession,
church perpetuity, and catholicity, as marks of the
church, will inevitably write church history with a view
to establishing the identity of his own church with the
church of the Fathers, and the historical derivation of its
episcopate from that of the early church, and so from the
apostles. It were not to be expected that he would deal
sympathetically or fairly with Christian individuals or
parties who do not bear his " marks " of churchmanship.

3. The advocates of ecclesiastical development, hold-
ing that Christ and his apostles did not design to pre-
scribe or exemplify a definite form of church organization
that should be perpetually binding, but that the Christian
life which embodied itself in a particular form of organiza-
tion suggested by and adapted to the needs and circum-
stances of the apostolic time may assume a thousand
other forms, under as many varying circumstances, will
attach comparatively little importance to changes in ec-
clesiastical order and in doctrine from age to age. He
will show, e. ^., by reference to the circumstances and
needs of the times, how and why the simple congrega-
tional order of the primitive churches gave way first to
presbyterial government, then to simple episcopal, then
to prelatical, and at last to papal. He will regard each
stage as the natural, if not necessary, outgrowth of an-
tecedents and environments, and while he will not hesi-
tate to condemn corrupt practices, he will be slow to
condemn any ecclesiastical institution as such. Freed
from the necessity of defending any particular form of
Christianity as exclusively valid, he will be in a position
to treat sympathetically, with reference to the circum-
stances of their times, even the most corrupted and dis-
torted forms of Christianity, and especially will he be
interested in all efforts, however misguided, to bring
about reforms. Such is the position of the great mass
of modern German students of church history, and it is
among these that we find the closest approximation to
true objectivity of treatment combined with deep interest

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8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ

in every form of Christian life, organization, and doctrine.
English Broad Churchmen occupy essentially the same
position, but have not busied themselves largely with
church history.

4. He that sees in the precepts and example of Christ
and his apostles, as embodied in the New Testament
Scriptures, an authoritative standard for all times and all
circumstances, will look upon any deviation from this
standard as obnoxious to the spirit of Christianity.
While admitting that apostolic church order is given only
in outline, and that much has been left open and free for
determination from time to time by the wisdom of bodies
of believers organized in the apostolic way, practising apos-
tolic ordinances, and subject continually to the guidance of
the Holy Spirit, he will refuse to give his approval to any
violation of what he regards as the fundamental princi-
ples embodied in the apostolic norm. Yet in view of the
speedy and almost complete departure of the post-apos-
tolic churches from the apostolic church order, and of the
fact that thenceforward to the present time so large a part
of the Christian work that has transformed the world
has been accomplished by churches and individuals
whose church order, doctrines, and manner of life have
fallen indefinitely short of the apostolic requirement, he
will judge as charitably as possible those who do not ap-
pear to have been willful perverters, but who may be
supposed to have been led astray by early training or
the force of circumstances, and will rejoice in all that is
Christlike and noble in life, in thought, and in deed.
While he will be ever alert to discover the existence and
to trace the history of individuals and parties that in
times of general apostasy have earnestly attempted to
restore the apostolic form of Christian teaching and
practice, he will guard scrupulously against perverting
the facts in this interest; and while he may strongly
suspect that if the facts were all known, apostolically
organized churches and apostolic types of teaching and
life would cut a far larger figure in certain periods than
appears from materials at present available, he will be
content to state precisely what he finds authentically
recorded, and to give his reasons for thinking that the
facts may have been more favorable than the extant

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CHAP.L] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS Q

documents reveal. The church historian who feels
bound in his own life, doctrine, and practice by the
apostolic norm should be the most truth-loving, the most
charitable, the most fair-minded, the most unpartisan of
all. He should be able to exemplify the very best sort
of objectivity in his investigation and exposition of the
facts of church history. Knowing that truth is mighty
and must ultimately prevail, he will believe that a state-
ment of the exact facts in each case will better subserve
the cause of truth than any partial or distorted narrative
could possibly do.

111. SOURCES OF CHURCH HISTORY.

These embrace all the contemporary information on
Christian life, thought, organization, and achievement
in each age and country, extant in written or other
form. The following specifications may be made :

I. Contemporary Christian literature of every kind.
(i) Edificatory writings show the ideals of Christian life
that prevailed, the evils that had to be guarded against,
the methods of using and interpreting the Scriptures, and
the current types of teaching. (2) Apologetical litera-
ture shows the attitude of the church of each age to-
ward the world and of the world toward the church, and
usually embodies the philosophical conceptions that un-
derlie the Christian thinking of the time. (3) Polemical
literature reveals the antagonistic forces at work in each
age among professing Christians, and while it often gives
evidence of the presence of intolerance and partisan ran-
cor and shows little appreciation of the position of op-
ponents, it is exceedingly valuable as furnishing the ma-
terials for the history of doctrinal development. (4) The
canons of synods and councils and the collections of rules
and regulations for the guidance of the churches in mat-
ters of discipline belonging to each age and country,
throw much light on the practical working of organized
Christianity. (5) Creeds, usually formulated as a result
of controversy and generally embodying either compro-
mise statements or the opinions of the dominant party,
have their obvious uses as materials for church history.
(6) Liturgies and hymns produced by and for the

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10 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa

churches of each age and country embody the prevail-
ing ideals of worship and reflect the religious life of the
times. (7) Correspondence, public and private, embody-
ing in many cases the frank expression of the opinions
of leading actors on current events, is often of the high-
est value. (8) Papal decretals, rescripts, bulls, briefs,
etc., present in concrete form the claims of the hier-
archy from time to time, and the methods employed for
securing recognition of hierarchical authority. (9) Im-
perial and royal edicts, capitularies, and other enactments
in relation to ecclesiastical matters, have their obvious
uses. In fact, civil and ecclesiastical history are so inti-
mately related, especially since the union of Church and
State, that most civil records have a bearing direct or
indirect on church history. The Corpus Juris Civilis is
almost as important for church history as the later Corpus
funs Canonid.

2. Christian Archceology. Religious sculpture and
painting, symbolical representations of religious acts and
truths (as on the walls of the catacombs and on gems),
inscriptions on coins and seals, remnants of church archi-
tecture, baptisteries, etc., are embodiments, each in its
way, of the religious life and thought of their age, and
are worthy of the attention of the church historian.

Abundant materials of all the varieties specified have
been preserved, and through the industry of scholars
have been made available to the student in printed form.
The work of research is still going energetically forward,
and it is probable that within a few years little extant
material of value will have remained in concealment.

Treatises on church history, ancient and modern, are
of value only so far as they are known to rest upon a
critical and judicial use of the original sources.

The materials of church history are now so vast that
no individual can hope to master them. The best work
appears at present not in general treatises on the entire
subject, but in monographs on limited periods, particular
movements, particular institutions, individual leaders,
etc. The general church historian must depend very
largely on such monographs prepared by specialists ; but
he will be careful to test their results on all important
matters by direct reference to the sources.

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CHAP.l] I>RELIMINARY observations II

IV. THE EMPLOYMENT OF SOURCES.

1. It is obvious that if sources are to be used the lan-
guages in which they are written must be thoroughly
mastered. The sources of ancient church history are
mostly in the Greek and Latin languages, a knowledge
of which is indispensable. Some valuable material ex-
ists in the Syriac, Ethiopic, Coptic, Armenian, and the
various Slavonic languages, but few church historians un-
dertake the mastery of these. For the church history
of Western Europe during the Middle Ages, Latin is the
principal language ; but important writings are preserved
in the primitive forms of the German, the Romance, the
English, and other languages. For modern history the
German, French, Dutch, and Italian languages are impor-
tant, especially the first two.

2. The successful historical investigator must have
critical insight in a high degree. A vast amount of
spurious material is intermingled with the genuine litera-
ture of each age. He must be able to discriminate be-
tween the genuine and the spurious. Of genuine writ-
ings some are more trustworthy than others, owing to
the character, the circumstances, and the competence of
the writers. The investigator must be able to judge of
the relative value of documents, and amid conflicting
evidence to reach conclusions reasonably well assured.

3. Most church historians will find it convenient to
make use of translations of the pertinent literature along
with critically edited texts in the original languages.
When translations are used for securing a general famili-
arity with the subject-matter, the originals should be care-
fully compared on all obscure and controverted points.

4. On matters of controversy we are to study care-
fully the documents on both sides. This is absolutely
essential.

5. We are to distrust writers evidently prejudiced
when they make grave accusations against opponents,
unless there are other reasons for crediting such accusa-
tions. The average polemicist of ancient, medieval, and
Reformation times had less regard for truth, when in the
heat of controversy, than the polemicist of the nine-
teenth century.

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12 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRO

6. On the other hand, admissions by partisan writers
of shortcomings on their own side, or of merits on their
adversaries' side, are among the best proofs of such
facts, independently of the general credibility of the
writers.

V. HISTORY OF CHURCH HISTORIOGRAPHY.

The Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles are the
earliest extant writings in the sphere of church history,
the former narrating from different points of view the
birth, early life, ministry, death, and resurrection of the
Messiah, the latter giving an account of the missionary
labors of the apostles, especially of Peter and of Paul,
including Paul's two years' residence as a prisoner in
Rome. Passing on to the post-apostolic time we may
distinguish the following eras of church-historical writing :

I. Ancient Church Historians. Hegesippus (about 175-
189) wrote five books of "Memoirs," from which Euse-
bius quotes, but which are unfortunately lost. He seems
to have given chief attention to the rise and growth of
heresy, and to Jewish sects. Eusebius speaks of him as
a converted Jew. Eusebius of Csesarea (260-340) is
entitled to be called *' the Father of Church History."
One of the most learned men of his time and as the
courtier of the Emperor Constantine possessed of every
facility for gathering materials and composing a merito-
rious work, he prepared on a comprehensive plan a
" Church History " that has held its position to the pres-
ent time as the most important work on the ante-Nicene
Church (1-324). The scholarly translation by McGiffert,
with ample annotations,* is indispensable to the student
of church history. He was a careful investigator, and
quoted largely from many writings that have perished.
That his work is uncritical and ill-arranged is a remark
that would apply to all ancient and medieval treatises on
the subject. His " Life of Constantine " is of the nature
of a panegyric, and is too favorable to the first Christian
emperor, but it contains much important matter. He also
wrote a " Chronicle," in which he gave an abstract of
universal history with chronological tables. In the follow*

iNtwYork.i8^

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CHAP. I.] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS 1 3

ing century Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, each in
his own way, continued the Church History of Eusebius
to his own time. These include accounts of the great
Christological controversies, and of the struggle of Chris-
tianity with paganism during the fourth and part of the
fifth centuries. Eusebius' work was translated into Latin
by Rufinus, with a continuation to the death of Theodosius
the Great (3Q5)* Cassiodorus, a Roman statesman, had
the Church Histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theod-
oret translated into Latin by Epiphanius, and himself
continued the narrative to 518. This so-called ** Tri-
partite History," along with that of Eusebius, formed the
chief authority on ancient church history throughout the
Middle Ages.

Sulpicius Severus, a Gallic noble and ascetic (died 420),
wrote a "Chronicle," in which church history followed
biblical history. His work abounds in the fabulous and
is of little value. The works of Socrates, Sozomen, and
Theodoret, like that of Eusebius, are available in excel-
lent translations in the "Nicene and Post-Nicene Fa-
thers." Of less importance are the Church Histories of
Theodorus and Evagrius (sixth century), which were
continuations of those already mentioned.

2. (MedicevcU IVriters. The Middle Ages produced
nothing important on ancient church history. Contem-
porary chronicles, often preceded by a digest of early
history from the Latin translations of the writings men-
tioned above, represent the achievements of the age in
this department. Lives of the saints, full of fables,
abounded. Several compilations of universal history^
were produced, but these are of little value.

3. Church Historians of the Reformation Time. The Prot-
estant Revolution, which was a revolt against the corrup-
tions and the tyranny of the Roman Catholic hierarchy,
called forth the ** Magdeburg Centuries" (1559-1574),
written by Matthias Flacius lllyricus, Wigand, Judex,
and others. It is a vast and monumental effort to vindi-
cate the Protestant position by an exhibition of all that
IS most disreputable in the history of medieval Catholi-
cism. Stress is laid upon the protests against Rome that
were made from time to time, and much valuable ma-
terial is brought forward by these scholarly and indus

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14 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ

trious writers. The work is excessively polemical, but
served a useful purpose. It called forth the learned and
voluminous ** Ecclesiastical Annals," edited by Baronius
(1588), who had at his disposal the resources of the Vati-
can Library. Baronius' work, which embraced only the
first twelve centuries, has been continued by various
writers to 1585.

In France, Bossuet attempted to vindicate the Roman
Catholic Church against Protestant attacks, and to destroy
the foundations of Protestantism by his " Discourse on
Universal History'* (1681). The voluminous work of
Tillemont, a Jansenist nobleman, on the first six cen-
turies,^ was based upon an industrious and somewhat
critical study of the sources, and was written in a spirit
of moderation. It is still of value.

An epoch-making book was the " History of the
Church and of Heretics," by Gottfried Arnold (1699).
Deeply pious and somewhat mystical, he used his great
learning in an effort to show that what had commonly
been stigmatized as heresy was really the effort of primi-
tive Christian life and principles to assert themselves in
the face of bitter persecution. His voluminous work was
looked .upon with disfavor by his contemporaries, but is
now highly appreciated by impartial scholars.

4. l{ecent Church Historians. Mosheim (died 1755) is
justly called "the father of modern ecclesiastical histo-
ry." * His ** Institutes of Ecclesiastical History " (1755)
has been translated into English and widely used. He
was learned, critical, and impartial, and did much toward
popularizing the study of church history. He followed
the century method, and in this respect belongs to the
elder time, but he surpassed most of his predecessors in

Ehilosophical insight and comprehensiveness of view.
lis most valuable work was probably his *' Commen-
taries on the Affairs of Christians before Constantlne
the Great" (1753).

Three German writers of the first half of the present
century deserve special mention, because of the intrinsic
value of their works and the stimulus they gave to re-
search on the part of others. They followed close upon

1 " Mtnolrt.*' ate. 1691. Mf . t MMlIer.

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CHAP. I.] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS 1 5

the emancipation of thought from the old confessionalism
and the remarkable development of the critical spirit about
the beginning of the century, and in different ways exem-
plify the modern spirit of research and the determination
to deal impartially with all religious parties.

Gieseler's ** Text-book of Church History"* consists
of a brief but very carefully prepared outline, with co-
pious citations from the sources made with marked dis-
crimination. It is still the best manual for such students
as are able and willing to utilize the citations.

Neander, well characterized by Schaff as "a child in
spirit, a giant in learning, and a saint in piety,*' " led back
the study of history from the dry heath of rationalism to
the fresh fountain of divine life in Christ, and made it
a grand source of edification as well as instruction for
readers of every creed.*' His " General History of the
Christian Religion and Church" (1825-52) was trans-
lated into English by Torrey, and in this form reached its
twelfth American edition (besides English and Scotch edi-
tions) in 1881. It has probably had a wider influence in
English than in German. Besides this large general work
he published many valuable monographs.

Baur, more generally known as the father of the
Tubingen school of New Testament critics, was a church
historian of the foremost rank. Of his " History of the
Christian Church," published in part after his death
(i860), only the portion covering the first three cen-
turies has appeared in English (three volumes, London,
1878). His works on the apostolic age, while revolu-
tionary and destructive, gave a stimulus to research that
has borne abundant fruit. His ** History of Christian
Doctrine" (1865-67) is among the most valuable of his
works.

Among the excellent manuals of church history re-
cently published in Germany may be mentioned those
of Hase (eleventh edition, 1886; English translation,
1873) ; Niedner (latest edition, 1866) ; Ebrard (1865) ;
Rothe (1875) ; Herzog (1876 onward) ; Kurtz (tenth edi-
tion, 1887; English translation, 1888-90); Moeller (three
volumes, 1889 onward ; English translation, 18^ on-

1 i8b4 onward ; the best edition Is tbe EagUtli trusbition by H. B. Smith. 1857 onwarl

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I6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRC

ward) ; and Karl MUIIer (two volumes, 1892 onward).
The two latest are also the best. Among modern Ger-
man Roman Catholic works on church history may be
mentioned those of Alzog (English translation in three
volumes, 1874 onward) ; D5llinger (second edition, 1843 ;
English translation, four volumes, 1840-42) ; Hergen-
rbther (third edition, 1884-^); Kraus (third edition,
1887) ; and Funk (second edition, 1890). These are all
works of learning, and show the influence of Protestant
methods.

British scholarship has not devoted itself zealously to
general church history. The only work that deserves
mention is Robertson's ** History of the Christian
Church " (second edition, in eight volumes, 1874).
Smith's ** History of the Christian Church During the
First Ten Centuries " (1880), is a good compilation.
Many valuable monographs, especially on the early
church and the Middle Ages, have appeared.

In America the largest and most comprehensive work
is Schaff' s '* History of the Christian Church " (1882
onward ; Vol. I.-IV. and VI.-VII. have appeared ;
Vol. V. was left incomplete, and will be edited by
Prof. D. S. SchafO- This work, written in the spirit of
Neander, combines fullness of information with popular
qualities to a remarkable degree. Other recent works
of merit are those of Sheldon (four volumes, 1896),
Fisher, Dryer, and Hurst. Hurst's ** History of the
Christian Church " (two large volumes, 1897 onward),
based upon the latest researches, written in excellent
spirit and in elegant style, has an unusually full bibli-
ography and specially prepared maps, and is in almost
every respect a model work.

The best recent works on the " History of Doctrine "
are those of Harnack (three volumes, third edition, 1894*-
1897, English translation in eight volumes); Loofs (thirc*
edition, 1893), the best brief work in German ; Sheldon
(1886) ; and Fisher (1896).

VI. PERIODS OF CHURCH HISTORY.

From what has been said regarding the nature and
scope of church history, it is evident that the only way

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CHAP.L] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS 17

in which it can be studied to advantage is by dividing
the nineteen Christian centuries into periods, and by
selecting from each period a convenient number of topics
for special consideration. The division into periods is
somewhat arbitrary, and historians differ considerably in
their delimitations. The following division seems, on
the whole, the most advantageous :

1. From the birth of Christ to the end of the Apostolic
Age (about 100).

2. From the end of the Apostolic Age to the conver-
sion of Constantine (312).

3. From the conversion of Constantine to the founding
of the Holy Roman Empire by Charlemagne (800).

4. From the coronation of Charlemagne as emperor to
the outbreak of the Protestant Revolution (15 17).

5. From the outbreak of the Protestant Revolution to
the Peace of Westphalia (1648). This latter event
almost synchronizes with the temporary overthrow of
monarchy in England, and with the temporary ascend-
ency of dissenting parties over the prelatical church.

6. The era of modern denominationalism (1648 to the
present time).

The choice of topics in each period will depend on the
judgment of the historian as to what features of the life
and thought of the age are most characteristic and sig-
nificant.

VII. SUMMARY OF REASONS FOR STUDYING CHURCH
HISTORY.

1. History is acknowledged by all to be one of the most
valuable instruments of intellectual culture. Church his-
tory is so essential a part of universal historv that the
history of humanity would be incomplete and unintelli-
gible without it. Universal history is best understood
when Christ is regarded as the central figure, for whose
advent the past, with its systems of religion, philosophy,
and government was, in an important sense, a prepara-
tion ; and when Christ's church, under his guidance, is
recognized as the aggressive and conquering power in
modern history.

2. Without a knowledge of the history of the Chris-
tian church in all Hs departments and relations it is

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I8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRa

impossible to understand the present condition of Chris-
tianity with its multitudinous sects, its complicated doc-
trinal systems, and its variegated forms of organization,
life, and worship.

3. The history of the Christian church is, in one aspect,
the history of Christian life. To know how the people of
God have, from age to age, struggled and suffered and
triumphed will tend to prepare us to meet the trials that
always beset the Christian life ; to know how large a
proportion of those that have professed Christianity have
lived in sin and dishonored the name of Christ will tend
to put us on our guard against a similar failure, and to pre-
vent us from despairing when we see how imperfectly
many of those around us fulfill their Christian duties.

4. The study of church history enables us to see the
working of great principles through long periods of time.
Church history is a commentary on the Scriptures. For
every teaching of Scripture we can find many a practical
exemplification. We can show, as it were, experimen-
tally, how every departure from New Testament princi-
ples has resulted in evil — ^the greater the departure the
greater the evil. The study of church history, while it
may make us charitable toward those in error by sliow-
ing us examples in all ages of high types of religious life
in connection with the most erroneous views of doctrine,
will not tend to make us disregard slight doctrinal aber-
rations ; for we shall know that the most corrupt forms
of Christianity have had their origin in slight deviations
from the truth.

5. It may be said with confidence that the great mass
of minor sects have been formed by those ignorant of
church history, and that a knowledge of church history
on the part of their founders would have prevented their
formation. A widely diffused knowledge of church his-
tory would tend powerfully toward a unification of
thought as to what Christianity should be, and would be
highly promotive of Christian unity. On the other hand,
a knowledge of the vast results that have followed from
the emphasizing of particular aspects of truth in the past
would tend to prevent an underestimate of tneir impor-
tance in the present.

6. The History of the Christian church furnishes the

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CHAP. I.] PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS I9

strongest possible evidence of the truth and assurance
of the final triumph of Christianity. If Christianity has
surmounted obstacles seemingly almost insuperable; if
though sometimes submerged in corruption it has again
and again shown itself able to shake off the accumula-
tions of error, and then to march onward with primitive
vigor ; we have every reason to believe in its sufficiency
for ali the trials to which it may hereafter be subjected

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CHAPTER II

IHE QR>ECO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION AS A PREPARATION
FOR CHRISTIANITY

LITERATURE : Histories of Greece, by Grote, Curtius, and Thiri-
wall ; Histories of Rome, by Mommsen, Ihne, Merivaie, Neibuhr,
Bury, and Arnold ;DoUinger, **Hndenthum md Judinthum*^ (Eng-
lish translation, *' Gentile and Jew in the Courts of the Temple/'
1862) ; Histories of Philosophy, by Ueberweg, Zeller, Windelband,
Erdmann : Bauer. '* Das Chrisiliche des Platattisnms,** 1857 ; Acker-
man, ''The Christian Element in Plato" (English translation,
1861) ; Coclcer, " Christianity and Greek Philosophy " ; Westcott,
" Religious Thought in the West," 1891 : Hatch, ^' the Influence of
Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church,** 1890;

gommsen, ''The Roman Provinces" (English translation, 1888) ;
Jiiller, " Gssch. d. 1{<m. Kaisgr^iH unUr d. RtgUrung d. Nsro" 1872 :
Friedlander, " SitUngnchichU ^^nu," fourtii edition, 1874 ; Renan,
" The Influence of Rome on Christianity," 1880 ; Fisher, G. P.,
" The Influence of the Old Roman Spirit and Religion on Latin
Christianity" (in " Discussions in History and Theology," 1880) ;
Hamack, '^ Christianity and Christians in the Court offiie Roman
Emperors Before the Time of Constantine" (in " Princeton Review,"
1878): Addis, "Christianity and tiie Roman Empire," 1893:
Arnold, W. T., " The Roman System of Provincial Administration,"
1879 ; Farrar, " Seekers After God," new Edition, 1892 ; Uhlhorn,
" Conflict of Christianity witii Heatiienism " (English translation,
1879), and "Christian Charity in the Ancient Church" (English
translation, 1883); Farrar, "Eariy Days of Christianity" 1882;
Edershelm, " Life and Times of Jesus," 1883, Introductory; and the
Introductions to the Church Histories of Neander, Gieseler, Hase,
Schaff, Hurst, Moeller, etc

I. GREEK CIVILIZATION.

CENTURIES before the beginning of the Christian era
(660-324) the Greeks had wrought out a civilization that
in literature, philosophy, science, and art, greatly sur-
passed the achievements of all other nations. Their
language had been so developed as to constitute the
most perfect instrument for the embodiment and con-
veyance of thought that had ever been known and is
still unsurpassed. Their religion was a polytheistic per-

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CHAP.il] GRiCCO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION 21

sonification of the powers of nature resting on a semi-
pantheistic conception of the world. Their gods and
goddesses were the embodiments no less of the baser
passions of the human soul than of the nobler qualities,
and the moral ideals of the people were low. The idea
of sin as an offense against a holy God and as involving
guilt was almost wholly absent. Sin was conceived of
rather as ignorance, as a failure to understand one's true
relations. There is no adequate recognition of the per-
sonality of God or the personality and responsibility of
man.

II. GREEK PHILOSOPHY.

From 600 B. C. onward philosophy occupied a prominent
place In Greek life and in an ever-widening circle of
minds tended to undermine faith in the crude polythe-
ism of the time. The possibilities of the uninspired
human mind in speculative reasoning were well-nigh
exhausted by such thinkers as Pythagoras, Socrates,
Plato, Aristotle, and Zeno.

I. fythagoras (sS2--$io) seems to have derived from
Egyptian or Oriental sources the doctrine of metempsy-
chosis and that of the harmony of the spheres. Mathe-
matics furnished the basis of his speculative system.
The principles of numbers he regarded as the substance
of things and as constituting the eternal and self-origi-
nated bond of the universe. His doctrine of the harmony
of the celestial spheres was based upon the assumption
that they are separated from each other by intervals
corresponding to the relative length of strings combined
to produce musical harmony. The soul he regarded
as a harmony, chained to the body as a punishment.
Ethical notions were expressed by the Pythagoreans in
mathematical form, symbols taking the place of defini-
tions. Pythagoras seems to have taught that the uni-
verse is in an eternal flux and that in regular cycles
persons and events are repeated. Much stress was laid
on a series of contrasts or antitheses, such as Limit —
Illimitation, Odd — Even, One — Many, Right — Left, Male
— Female, At Rest — In Motion, Straight— Bent, Light —
Darkness, Good — Bad, Square — Oblong. These remind
us of the sons of the Gnostics, and in other respects

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22 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ

the influence of Pythagoreanism on Gnosticism is niani*
fest.

Pythagoras founded a large number of aristocratic
secret societies in the Italian-Greek colonies. These
brotherhoods seem to have had a somewhat rigorous ethi-
cal code and to have developed a somewhat elaborate rit-
ual. A strict discipline, somewhat like that of monastic
bodies, was maintained and the members were forbidden
to propagate their views among the people.

A modified Pythagoreanism was much in vogue in
Alexandria and elsewhere during the early Christian
centuries, and was one of the most influential forms of
Greek philosophy in its contact with early Christian
thought.

2. Socrates (471-399) *' called philosophy down from
the heavens to earth, and introduced it into the cities
and houses of men, compelling men to inquire concern-
ing life and morals and things good and evil."* For
our knowledge of his ethical and religious teachings
we are dependent on his disciples, Plato, Xenophon, and
Artistotle. His fundamental conception appears to have
been the inseparable union of theoretical insight with
practical moral excellence. He believed that virtue was
capable of being taught and that all wickedness resulted
from ignorance. He fostered the spirit of inquiry by his
persistent calling in question of current beliefs, but
thereby incurred the hostility of the authorities and for-
feited his life. He supposed himself to act and speak
under the impulse of a supernatural being (daemon, ^a«-
fi6vtov). He defended the existence of the gods and of
a divine principle over and above these partial manifes-
tations of deity. He spoke of wisdom as present and
regnant in all that exists, and as determining all things
according to its good pleasure, being distinguished from
the other gods as the ruler and disposer of the universe.*
Yet he refrained from giving distinct personality to this
ruler and disposer, and it is probable that his conception
of the universe was monistic or semi-pantheistic. Plato
attributes to Socrates an elaborate argument for the im-
mortality of the soul.

1 Cicero. tXtnophoa, ** MsmorMMia," I.. 4 : 4 ; IV.. 3 : 3. ij.

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CHAP. II.] GRiCCO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION 23

3. In Plato (427-347) Greek philosophy made its near-
est approach to Christianity. He elaborated the thoughts
of Socrates and put them into enduring literary form.
No Greek writer exerted so much influence on the Jew-
ish thought of the last centuries before Christ or on early
and later Christian thought. In order to make himself
master of all the wisdom of the past and of his own age
he visited Egypt, Cyrene, and probably Asia Minor, and
spent some time with the Pythagoreans in Italy. Sicily
also was laid under contribution.

"In Plato's philosophy the expanding roots and branches of
earlier philosophy are developed into the full blossom, out of which
the subsequent fruit was slowly brought to maturity.'* * '* Plato's
relation to the world is that of a superior spirit, whose good pleasure
it is to dwell in it for a time. . . He penetrates into its depths more
that he may replenish them from the fullness of his own nature
than that he may fathom their mysteries. He scales its heights as
one yearning after renewed participation in the source of his being.
All that he utters has reference to something eternally complete,
good, true, beautiful, whose furtherance he strives to promote in
every bosom." *

Plato has well been called " the philosopher of the
spirit."* His theory of "ideas" may be regarded as
the central feature of his philosophy. The '* idea " is
the archetype (the divine thought or plan) of which
material objects are the imperfect reflection. Only the
pertect idea is real ; what seems to us real is only an '
illusion. In the archetypal world exists the idea of
everything that comec into phenomenal existence. High-
est among the ideas is the idea of the Good. Of almost
equal rank are the ideas of the Beautiful and the True.
He seems sometimes to represent these high ideas as
efficient causes and even calls them gods. The world-
builder (Demiurge) he seems to identify with the idea
of the Good. This idea he regards as the cause of
being and cognition and as the sun in the kingdom of
ideas.

The prominence given to the Good constitutes his sys-
tem a highly ethical one. "The highest good is not
pleasure, nor knowledge alone, but the greatest possible

»Bo^clct>. »qo«thf. •Hwt.

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24 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO

likeness to God." * The motive to virtue should be not
fear of punishment nor hope of reward, but the fact that
it is itself the beauty and health of the soul. To train
its citizens to virtue is the highest mission of the State.
Virtue for every individual is perfect adaptation to his
calling. He seems to have taught the eternity of matter,
which was devoid of quality and of proper reality until
transformed and ordered by the good God. While Plato
used much language that seems to imply belief in the per-
sonality of God, his teaching was fundamentally panthe-
istic. Some would prefer to designate his system " spirit-
ualistic monism."

Plato's philosophy, like that of Pythagoras, profoundly
affected Jewish thought during the last two centuries
before Christ, and its influence on the Christian theology
of the second and following centuries was great beyond
computation. Says Eusebius: **He alone of all the
Greeks reached the vestibule of truth and stood upon its
threshold."

Bishop Westcott bears this high testimony to his im-
portant place among religious thinkers: ''Plato, more
than any other ancient philosopher, acknowledged alike
the necessary limits of reason and the imperious instincts
of faith, and when he could not absolutely reconcile
both, at least gave to both a full and free expression.
And so Platonism alone, and Platonism in virtue of this
character, was able to stand for a time face to face with
Christianity."

4. The philosophy of Aristotle (384-322), the great-
est of Plato's disciples and the tutor of Alexander the
Great, exerted far less infhience on the religious thought
of the pre-Christian time than that of Plato. His in-
tellect was probably the most comprehensive that the
ancient world produced. In logic and dialectics he is
still supreme. His philosophy is practical and matter-
of-fact rather than mystical and speculative. By virtue
of his pre-eminence in systematization and formal rea-
soning he secured recognition among mediaeval theolo-
gians as the ultimate authority within this sphere. In
natural science he surpassed all the other ancients.

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CHAP.n.] GRiCCO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION 2$

He rejected Plato's doctrine of Ideas, maintaining that

! general ideas are not the only realities, or causes of the
ndividuals of a kind, but are mere mental abstractions
from the individuals ; that the individuals of the human
race, e.g.^ are not unreal reflections of the universal
idea man, but that the universal idea man is a mental
abstraction from a contemplation of individual men.

Aristotle reached a clear conception of God as an im-
material spirit who is the final cause. He proves that
the assumption of such a being or principle is necessary
from the evidences of design in nature. This principle
or first mover he defined as essentially pure energy. If
it were merely potential it could not unceasingly commu-
nicate motion to all things. It must be eternal, pure,
immaterial form, since otherwise it would be burdened
with potentiality. Being free from matter, it is without
plurality and without parts. It is absolute spirit, which
thinks itself and whose thought is therefore the thought
of thought, itself unmoved, it moves all things, it is
the Good in itself and its influence is like the attraction
of love. He could not conceive of God as shaping the
world at any given time, but looked upon the world-
framing process as an eternal one. Thought, which is
the mode of God's activity, constitutes the highest, best,
and most blessed life. The world has its principle in
God. Aristotle approaches the Christian doctrine of a
sole personal God, who at the same time is immanent in
the universe and transcends it ; but it is doubtful whether
a recognition of divine personality is involved in his
system.*

The aim of all moral action, according to Aristotle, is
happiness, and happiness consists in living a life of
action under the control of reason. This accords closely
with Plato's definition of virtue. Morality presupposes
freedom of will. His classification of the virtues and his
definition of each show deep psychological insight.

5. Less influential than Platonism and more influential
than Aristotelianism on the religious life of the pre-Chris-
tian and the early Christian time was Stoicism^ founded
by Zeno of Citium (about 308 B. C). This system was

>SMliif '*Mttspliy*ics.*' IX. and XII. C/. Uebenrtg. ''History of PbHosophy."
VoL I., ^ i^ ttq.

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26 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO

closely related to the Socratic, and Socrates " sat for the
portrait of the Stoic sage."

The most characteristic feature of Stoicism is its mate-
rialistic pantheism. In this respect it is the antithesis of
Platonism. Matter and force the Stoics regarded as the
two ultimate principles. Only the material is real.
Matter as such is motionless and unformed. Force is
the active, moving, and molding principle. The working
force in the universe is God.*

The world as a whole is regarded as conscious and
consciousness is identified with Deity. Periodically all
things are absorbed into Deity, the evolutionary process
beginning afresh after each absorption. This process is
regarded as a necessary one.

The human soul, which is the warm breath in us, is
a part of Deity and so has capacity for divine influence.
It survives the body, but is absorbed into Deity at the
end of the cosmic period.

As in Platonism, virtue is considered the chief end of
life. Mere pleasure should never be made an end of
endeavor. We should do right because it is right and
without regard to consequences. Freedom from passion
*iS the mark of the perfect man. Complete self-control
and self-sufficiency, with the right and the courage to
terminate life when it suits one's purpose, characterizes
the Stoic sage. Stoicism produced an elevated but some-
what somber type of character in its votaries. On the
ethical side it had much in common with Christianity.
Its materialistic pantheism or monism was to exert a
marked influence on Christian theology. The moral
writings of Seneca, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius are
so elevated and pure in tone as to suggest dependence on
Christian sources.

6. Epicureanism (310 B. C. onward), and the various
forms of Skepticism that arose during the last four cen-
turies before Christ, became the most popular forms
of Greek philosophy, and exerted a baleful moral in-
fluence on the entire Greek-speaking world and, at about
the beginning of the Christian era, on Roman life and
thought. Epicureanism was itself essentially skeptical.

1 Of. Ue^frwep, VoL L. p. 194.

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CHAP. II.] GRiCCO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION 27

Rejecting all mythical forms and conceptions, denying
the supernatural and the immortality of the soul, Epi-
curus taught that pleasure in the present life is the
supreme end of man's being. This did not necessarily
involve dissolute living, for this does not yield on the
whole the greatest amount of pleasure ; but the wide-
spread acceptance of pleasure as the only criterion of
conduct could not fail to lead to a debasement of morals.
The Skeptics, led by Pyrrho (360-270), asserted that of
every two mutually contradictory propositions one is as
true as another. The distinctions between the true and
the false, between right and wrong, between virtue and
vice, were obliterated, and advocates of this doctrine were
emancipated from any sort of moral or religious restraint.
It was in this form that Greek philosophy promoted so
powerfully the worse than Oriental license that sapped
the foundations of Greek and Roman society.

ill. THE MACEDONIAN CONQUEST.

The conquest and absorption of the Greek States by
Philip of Macedon (358-336), and the world conquest
of the Macedonian-Greek Empire under Alexander the
Great (336-323), diffused the Greek civilization, with
its matchless language, literature, art, philosophy, and
science, over the then civilized world. Greek became
the language of jzovernment and culture in Mesopota-
mia, Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, and ultimately (after the
Roman conquest of the East) in Rome itself. Anti-
och under the Seleucidae became a great Greek capital
and an important center of culture in which Greek and
Oriental elements of life and thought were blended.
Alexandria, the capital of the Ptolemies, became the
greatest literary, philosophical, and scientific center of
ancient times. The Ptolemies lavished their wealth on
the gathering of a library and the promotion of learning.
It was their ambition to collect in their library the litera-
ture of the world, and they expended vast sums in pro-
curing translations into Greek of the chief literary pro-
ductions of the past. The library is said to have
reached the enormous magnitude of four hundred thou-
sand volumes ; but if so it must have had many copies

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28 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRC

of the same works, and individual works must have been
numbered by books. The ablest scholars were brought
together, and liberal encouragement was given to literary
production and to the work of public instruction. The
Alexandrian Lyceum was more like a modern university
than was any institution of ancient times.

Highly important in the development of religious
thought was the formation under the patronage of the
Ptolemies of populous Jewish colonies. Under the royal
patronage the Hebrew Scriptures were translated into
Greek (the Septuagint version), and a large body of re-
ligious literature was produced by Greek-speaking Jews
who had become imbued with Greek modes of thought
(the Old Testament Apocrypha, etc.). In Philo, who
lived in the New Testament time, we meet with the
ablest and most elaborate effort to blend Hebrew and
Greek thought, and by the application of the allegorical
method of interpretation to explain away everything in
the Old Testament that was out of harmony with the
refined spiritualism of the current modified Platonism.

Representatives of Indian theosophy (Brahminism and
Buddhism), of Persian dualism (Zoroastrianism), and
of the surviving Babylonian sects seem to have availed
themselves of the opportunity offered by the desire for
universal knowledge that expressed itself so influentially
in Alexandria, to expound their systems, and the esoteric
philosophy or theosophy of the Egyptian priests emerged
from the temples and made its contributions to the stock
of current thought.

What is true of Alexandria applies in a measure to the
cities of Syria, Asia Minor, and Greece, and by the be-
ginning of the Christian era Hellenistic influence had
become almost dominant in Rome, now grown almost
as cosmopolitan as Alexandria.

Greek religion, while it furnished a spiritual interpre-
tation of nature, and while it contributed largely toward
the development of aesthetic life, failed utterly to pro-
duce a pure morality, or to satisfy the religious longmgs
of the more earnest spirits. Long before the beginning
of the Christian era its foundations had been undermined
by philosophical speculation, and skepticism was almost
universal. The blending of Greek thought with the

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CHAP.ILJ GRiECO-ROMAN CIVILIZATIOK 29

theosophy of the Orient had intensified the religious
yearnings of a large class of thinkers without being able
to satisfy them, had brought into prominence the great
problems of being, such as the origin and destiny of the
world and of man, the origin and purpose of evil^ the
relation of the world-framer to the Supreme Being, the
relation of the Supreme Being to man and to the world,
the relation of matter to spirit, etc., but had failed to
provide any adequate solution of these problems. Many
had come to realize the need of a divine revelation, and
above all of a Divine Saviour.

IV. THE ROMAN EMPIRE.

The religion of the early Romans was closely related
to that of the Greeks. Its differences in development
were due chiefly to the idiosyncrasies of Roman charac-
ter. The Romans as a race were remarkably deficient
in poetical and imaginative faculty. They were austere,
practical, matter-of-fact, utilitarian. Fundamentally their
religion was a pantheistic worship of nature. Everything
that exists was regarded as permeated by Deity. The
individual deities were partially personified abstractions
of the powers of nature. As compared with the Greek
religion it produced more of calm piety, was practised
with more dignity and order, was more strictly ritualistic,
was more carefully upheld and administered by the State,
and was more practical in its subservience to the inter-
ests of the State. Images and temples were not intro-
duced until a hundred and seventy years after the
founding of the city.

Religion with the Romans was never a matter of feel*
ing, always a matter of form. The securing of divine
favor was thought to depend upon the exactitude with
which all ceremonies were performed and all prayers
uttered. The slightest mistake in word or gesture ren-
dered the entire proceedings ineffective. The same rite
was sometimes repeated thirty or even fifty times be-
cause of slight defects in utterance or manipulation.

Theoretically every householder was the priest of his
household as the king was the priest of the State ; but
the necessity of having the religious rites performed by

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30 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ

experts gave great power to the priests. They alone
had perfect familiarity with the names and functions of
the gods and knew precisely what god was to be propi-
tiated in order to secure the needful blessing or to ward
off threatening calamity, and also the details of the rites
by which favor was to be obtained.

Even before the founding of the republic (B. C. 509)
there was a Pontifex Maximus at the head of a college
of pontiffs, whose business it was to supervise all the
religious affairs of the State and to give judgment in
every religious cause. These pontiffs were attorneys
and counselors in religious law, and as officials of the
State had vast influence.

The College of Augurs were the official soothsayers,
whose business it was by observing the flight of birds
and other phenomena to determine the attitude of the
gods toward contemplated State measures.

The Roman religion in its primitive form seems to have
been highly promotive of the sterner virtues. Truthful-
ness and honesty, almost unknown among the Greeks,
were distinguishing traits of the better class of Romans.
Family life was comparatively pure, and the virtue of the
Roman matron and her dignified position are proverbial.
Fidelity to the State at the utmost personal cost was a
common virtue and treason was by no means so common
as among the Greeks. The Roman Senate at its best
was the ablest, most dignified, and most honorable body
known to antiquity.

From about 240 B. C. Rome came more and more
under the influence of Greek religion and philosophy.
The conquest of the East (including Macedonia, Greece,
Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, and Mesopotamia) was
achieved stage by stage (200-63), and Roman law and
administrative order were communicated to the Hellen-
istic provinces; but the conqueror was vanquished by
the conquered. During the entire period of contact
Rome was gradually appropriating the religion and the
culture as well as the luxury and license of the Hellenis-
tic Orient.

It was the policy of Rome to tolerate and utilize for the
purposes of the State the religions of conquered peoples.
There was no disposition to regard its own gods as

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CHAP.n.] GRi€CO-ROMAN C!VILIZATION 3 1

exclusively powerful and worthy of worship. Every new
god conciliated added so much to the effectiveness of the
State.

Most important for our present purpose was the influ-
ence of Greek philosophy on Roman thought. It was
" the rationalism of Euhemerus, the skepticism of Eurip-
ides and the Pyrrhonists, the agnosticism of Protagoras,
and the atheism of Diagoras and Theodorus," that found
most acceptance among the Romans during the century
preceding the birth of Christ. Stoicism, with its mate-
rialistic pantheism that often expressed itself in language
hardly distinguishable from pure theism, and its stern
morality that repudiated pleasure and the hope of reward
as motives, was never popular among the Romans ; yet
it profoundly influenced some of the greatest minds and
made an important contribution to the development of
Roman law into a system of equity of world-wide appli-
cability.

Disbelief in the current religion had become almost
universal among the educated classes before the begin-
ning of our era ; but those who were most pronounced
in their skepticism insisted on its careful maintenance as
a State institution and as useful for the illiterate masses.

When the republic was transformed into the empire
(31 B. C.) Augustus strove in vain to check the process
of decay and to restore the national religion to its pris*
tine position. He assumed personally the office of Pon-
tifex Maximus, thus combining in his own person the
civil and religious supremacy and giving full recognition
to the popular religion as an institution of the State.

The practice of apotheosizing and worshiping the
emperors, however corrupt and despicable might be their
characters, exerted a most degrading influence on the re-
ligious life of the empire in the early Christian time ; but
it introduced a common object of worship throughout its
entire extent and had a distinctly universalizing tendency.
Provincial assemblies for the exercise of this cult became
highly important from a social and political point of view.
Bringing the people together, as they did, for festive
worship, they promoted political life in many ways.

The religious cravings of the people were catered to
but by no means satisfied by Oriental priests, sorcerers,

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32 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ

soothsayers, and astrologers, who flocked to Rome and
drove a thriving trade. Apollonius of Tyana (3 B. C-
96 A. D.), imbued with the spirit of the Neo-Pythago-
rean philosophy, practising a rigorous asceticism, and
imposing on the credulity of the people by mysteries and

Sretended miracles, attracted . many followers in Asia
linor, Greece, and Italy.

The Roman Empire may be regarded as having pre-
pared the way for the sprefad of the Christian religion in
the following ways :

1. The Roman conquest broke down the barriers be-
tween East and West and between province and province,
and welded the whole civilized world into an organic
whole administered from Rome as its center. Palestine
was a Roman province at the beginning of our era and
Jewish rulers administered the government under Roman
authority. Jews were free as never before to settle in
all parts of the Graeco-Roman world, and Jewish syna-
gogues, which were in many cases to furnish opportu-
nity for the planting and dissemination of Christian
truth, were to be found in every city. A religion origi-
nating in Judea had at this time a far better opportunity
to make its way throughout the world than it would have
had under other circumstances.

2. The extension of Roman citizenship to individuals
throughout the provinces was of immense advantage to
such preachers of the gospel as possessed it.

3. The construction of excellent roadways through-
out the empire for military and commercial purposes was
no doubt greatly promotive of the diffusion of Chris-
tianity.

4. Apart from the excellence of the roads travel was
rendered far safer than it had ever been before. The pro*
found peace that settled over the world, the careful en-
forcement everywhere of law and order, made the work
of the missionary comparatively easy. The Roman
Empire was to the early Christian missionary what the
British Empire is to the modern, with this important
difference, that England favors and protects missionaries
as such, while Christianity was to the Roman Empire an
unlawful religion and was frequently persecuted.

5. The extension of the use of the Greek language

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CHAP.il] GRi€CO-ROMAN CIVILIZATION 33

made it possible for the Greek-speaking promulgators of
Christianity to find intelligent hearers everywhere with
3Ut learning new languages.

A recent German writer says :

The task of Rome was to unite— to unite, we may say as confi-
Qently. for Christ. Bom at the same time, the Roman Empire and
the Christian Church were also providentialiy appointed for each
other. The kingdom of heaven is like a grain of seed. If the
seed is to be sown the field must be prepared. The Roman Empire
was the prepared field. The kingdom of heaven is like leaven. If
the leaven is to be mixed with the meal, the meal must be shaken
together. The Roman Empire was the shaken heap of meal first of
allto take up the leaven. All the peoples of the Old Worid hitherto
had lived and labored apart, all their gains and achievements, theii
riches and treasures, their works ot art and scientific results, their
ancient traditions and legends, their gods and rites of worship, all
existing elements of culture and forces of civilization, were now
comprised in one empire. Other empires have exceeded this In terri-
tory and in population, but there has never been a second empire in
the whole course of history which so united in itself all the cultivated
nations of itstime.^

1 Uhlbon. '* Conflict oi ChrlttiaiUly with HMtbenUm." p. tf.

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CHAPTER III

PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY IN JEWISH LIFE AND
THOUGHT

Literature : Works of Josephus and Philo (original and Eng-
Hsh translation) : Old Testament Apocrypha (original in Septua«
gint) : Bissell, '• The Apocrypha of the Old Testament with His-
torical Introductions, a Revised Translation, and Notes Critical and
Explanatory," 1880 : Ball, " The Ecclesiastical or Deutero-canoni-
cal Books of the Old Testament, commonly called the Apocrypha,"
i8q2; *'The Zend-Avesta," translated and edited by Darmesteter;
Reuss, " U 'BibU!' Parts VI. and VII. ; Wace, " The Apocrypha,"
1888 ; Schiirer, '* A History of the Jewish People in the Time of
Jesus Christ" (English translation), 1885 onward ; works on Jew-
ish History, by Ewald (English translation), Jost, Gratz (Eng-
lish translation), and Stanley; Wellhausen, "D^ Pharisoir u, d
Sadducdif,** 1874 } Geiger, " Sadducdir u, Tharislur" 1863 ; Cohen,
" Us Pharisiens, 1877; Derenbourg, ** Histotrs d$ la TaUsttui^**
1867; Drummond, "The Jewish Messiah," 1877; Drummond,
" Philo Judaeus," 1888 ; Dahne, '* G$sehichtlkh$ DarsUUuMd. nidisckr
aUxandrmischm Rsltgians-Philosophu^** 1834; Gforer, ^* Philo if. d,
aUxandrinischi Thsosophu^'* 183 1 ; Lucius, " Ver Esssnismus in sshum
l^irhaltniss {um Judsnthum^** 1881 ; Demmler, ** Chrisius u. d, Essm-
wuMtf," 1880 : Articles on Apocrypha {Apohrj^in)^ Philo, Pharisees,
Sadducees, Essenes, Messiah, Proselytes, Disper^on (Diaspora)^
Pseudepigrapha, etc., in the Encyclopedias of Herzog-Hauck,
Schaff-Herzog, McClintock and Strong, Kitto, and Smith (" Dic-
tionary of the Bible"). For fuller bibliography see Schiirer, as
above, at the head of each section.

The Old Testament history of the chosen people
leaves off with the completion of the fortifications of
Jerusalem by Nehemiah, notwithstanding the deter-
mined efforts of the Samaritans to prevent it, the
introduction of rigorous reforming measures by Nehe-
miah, and the failure of Sanballat and his associates
successfully to resist these measures. The date reached
is about 432 B. C. The people had been delivered from
their Babylonian captivity by Cyrus, king of Persia
(535 B. C. onward), and the temple had been restored by
Zerubbabel, under the patronage first of Cyrus and tlien
34

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CHAP. Ill] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 35

of Darius Hystaspes (534-515). About 457 B. C. Ezra, a
scribe who had remained beiiind in Babylon, was com-
missioned by Artaxerxes Longimanus to make inquiries
regarding the condition of the Jewish people in Judah
and Jerusalem and to convey royal gifts of gold and
silver for religious uses. He was also given authority
to put in force the moral and ceremonial laws oi
Jehovah as he understood them, it being part of the
policy of the king by thoroughly conciliating the God of
the Jews to secure his favor " for the realm of the king
and his sons/'

I. THE EFFECTS OF THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY.

1. The deportation of the people was by no means
complete. Many of the inhabitants of the kingdom of
Judah had escaped to Egypt and it is probable that
some remained in the land. Of the Northern kingdom
a still larger proportion probably remained behind. The
breaking up of external religious institutions and the
pressing in of heathen peoples had resulted in an almost
complete relapse of the remnant of the northern tribes
into heathenism.

2. The Jews of the captivity, so far from yielding to
the heathen influences by which they were surrounded,
were brought by their discipline of suffering to empha-
size more than ever the spiritual side of religion and to
repudiate with decision everything savoring of idolatry.

3. Monotheism, long inculcated by their inspired
leaders, was now thoroughly grasped by the people as
such, and the licentious idolatry that had possessed
Irresistible attractions for the Jewish masses was now
looked upon with abhorrence.

4. They were ready to welcome the conquest of Meso-
potamia by the Persian kings, who professed a compara-
tively pure form of dualism and who abhorred the idola-
try of the Babylonians, and they no doubt found means
of rendering material assistance to the invading hosts.
That Cyrus and his followers should show special favor
to a people who welcomed their conquest and whose re-
ligious and moral ideals had much in common with those
of the Persians might have been expected.

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$6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ

II. INFLUENCE OF THE PERSIAN CONTACT.

I. The Persian Religion. The religion of Cyrus and
his people was a system of dualism whose elaboration is
commonly ascribed to Zoroaster (about 66o-;83), and
which is embodied in its most authentic form in the
Zend-Avesta. Zoroastrianism supposes the existence
from the beginning of two antagonistic principles, good
and evil, each having its personal (or personified) head.
Ormazd (Ahura Mazda) is the prince of the kingdom of
goodness and light, Ahriman of the kingdom of evil and
darkness. Ormazd was conceived of as the embodiment
and author of wisdom and power, as the promoter of
growth and progress, as absolutely holy and beneficent,
as unspeakably glorious and fair, as supremely intelli-
gent and watchful. He is the author and upholder of all
that is good. His attributes correspond closely with
those of Jehovah, the chief difference being the limita-
tion of his power by the antagonistic energy of Ahri-
man. This difference is strikingly set forth in Isa. 4; :
5-7, where Jehovah says "to his anointed, to Cyrus,'*
" I am the Lord, and there is none else ; beside me there
is no God : I will gird thee, though thou hast not known
me : that they may know from the rising of the sun,
and from the west, that there is none beside me : I am
the Lord, and there is none else. I form the light, and
create darkness ; I make peace, and create evil ; I am the
Lord that doeth all these things." This is a most in-
structive passage. Jehovah to make good his soleness
does not hesitate to claim for himself the functions
ascribed by the Persians to Ahriman as well as those
ascribed to Ormazd.

Beneath each of these primal principles is a host of
subservient principles or angels, each having its particu-
lar antagonist in the opposite kingdom. The six good
archangels are Vohu Manah (Good Mind), the mediator
between Ormazd and man and corresponding to some
extent to the Logos (Word) of John's Gospel ; Asha
Vahishta (Best Righteousness), the principle of cosmic
order ; Khshathra Vairya (the Wished-for Kingdom),
lepresenting the aspiration of the people after the uni-
versal triumph of righteousness ; Spenta Armaita (Hc!^

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CHAP, in.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANrrY 37

Harmony), embodying the ideal of peace and good will /
among men ; Haurvatat (Wholeness) ; and Ameretat (lm«
mortality). Closely related to these is Sraosha (Obe-
dience). Standing below these are the Yazatas (Worship*
ful Ones), of which the chief are Mithra fAngel of Light),
Rashnu(Angel of Justice), Arshtat (Truthfulness), Parendi
(Riches), Ashi (Rectitude), Verethraghna (Victory), Hvar
(Sun), Mah (Moon), Tishtrya (Star), and Atar (Fire).
These angelic beings (or abstractions) are almost infinite
in number. Each individual human soul is supposed to
be accompanied by a Fravashi (Guardian Angel) who
contends with the corresponding evil powers and forti-
fies the soul in its struggle for the right and the good.

Ahriman (Angra Mainyu) stands at the head of the
demonic hosts, which are the antitheses of the hierarchy
of Ormazd.

Zoroastrian dualism is advantageously differentiated
from the pantheistic-polytheistic systems of the East by
its doctrine of human freedom and responsibility, which
furnished the basis of a relatively pure morality. Per-
sistent choice of the good weakens the power of evil.
Purity, physical and moral, is insisted on. Uprightness,
charity, and generosity are constantly inculcated. The
utmost stress is laid on truthfulness. Asceticism is ab-
bent from the system, and the wholesome enjoyment of
what nature has provided is encouraged.

The doctrines of the resurrection of the dead and of a
future life of blessedness or misery, dependent on the
character of the present life and determined by a judg-
ment following immediately the death of the body, are
clearly taught. Heaven, hell, and purgatory (the latter
for those whose good and evil deeds are found to have
been equal), are provided for in the system.

The coming of a saviour and the final triumph of
the kingdom of Ormazd, with the banishment " of the
wicked, evil-doing Daevas into the depths of the dark,
horrid world of hell,'' are clearly taught in the Avesta
and the Pahlavi Texts.

Worship was addressed not only to Ormazd, but just
as freely to the lower orders of angelic beings, and some
of the litanies remind us of those used in the Catholic
churches of the later time.

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58 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ

2. Persian Influence on Jewish Thought. This is seen
(i) In the excessive scrupulosity with which the later
Jews, going far beyond the prescriptions of the Levitical
code, discriminated between things clean and unclean ;
(2) in the relative indifference to temple worship and
the stress laid on popular instruction and worship as seen
in the formation of village synagogues ; (3) in the energy
with which the later Jews resisted every effort to induce
them to embrace false religions; (4) in the elaborate
system of angelology and demonology found in the
apocryphal books that were written during the Greek
period ; (5) in the book of Esther we see Judaism terri-
bly persecuted by the later Persian power and saved by
the patriotism of a Jewess, who by her charms had won
the heart of King Ahasuerus ; (6) the Persian influ-
ence is probably traceable as one of the elements in the
Essene sect,

3. The Synagogue and theSynago^s. The Jews no doubt
became accustomed to congregational worship apart from
the temple during the Babylonian captivity. It was not to
be expected that with the restoration of the temple they
should forego the means of frequent edification and in-
struction that they had found helpful. Ezra called the
people together on the Sabbath days to receive instruc-
tion in the divine law, and this practice rapidly spread
throughout the land and into the dispersion. The serv-
ices of the synagogues were intended not to supplant
but to supplement the temple worship. The general in-
troduction of synagogue worship marks a distinct ad-
vance in the educational status of the people. Hence-
forth religion was to be more and more a matter of
teaching and learning. The "Great Synagogue," In a
rudimentary form at least, was organized by Nehe-
miah, on the occasion of his second sojourn ip Jerusalem
(436 B. C. onward.) The religious condition of the peo-
ple he found on his arrival to be deplorable. Alliances
had been formed with such enemies of the established
order as Sanballat, the Sabbath was desecrated, and the
Law was disregarded (Neh. 13 : 6-31). It is by no
means certain that the eighty-five priests, who as repre-
sentatives of the people pledged themselves and their
constituents to observe the Law, constituted the Great

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CHAP. IB.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 39

Synagogue ; but it is probable that out of this united
acceptance of Nehemiah's reforms grew a great national
organization, composed normally of one hundred and
twenty members, whose business it was to promote the
due observance of the Law and the results of whose
labors are seen in the careful selection and editing of the
sacred books and in the formation of the Old Testament
canon. To this body was formerly ascribed the intro-
duction of a new Hebrew alphabet, the supplying to
the text of certain diacritical signs, the ordering of the
synagogue worship, and the beginning of the elaboration
of the ceremonial law that was ultimately embodied in
the Talmud. During this period, and probably under
the direction of the Great Synagogue, schools for in-
struction in the Scriptures were established, and a class
of professional scholars (scribes) arose whose authority
was generally recognized.

III. THE JEWISH PEOPLE UNDER THE MACEDONIAN RULERS.

Reference has already been made to the importance of
the Macedonian conquest as a means of diffusing through-
out the civilized world the Greek language and thought,
and of promoting the action, reaction, and blending of the
religious and philosophical life and thought of Europe,
Asia, and Africa. In no way did this great upheaval ex-
ert more directly its beneficent influence in the direction
of preparing the world for the coming of Christ and for
the literary embodiment and diffusion of his teachings
than through the Hellenizing of a large part of the Jewish
race.

The leaders of the people made prompt, unconditional,
and cordial submission to Alexander the Great in 332
B. C. He was so favorably impressed by their attitude
and their representations that he treated them with the
utmost consideration. The wide dispersion of the Jews,
and their ability to be of service to the conqueror as
guides to every part of the East and of Egypt no doubt
had something to do with the cordiality of his bearing.
Considerable numbers accompanied him on his expedi-
tion to Egypt. In founding his great Egyptian capital,
Alexandria^ he offered the most liberal inducements tQ

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40 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ

the Jews to settle there, and large numbers settled in the
Fayyum. Ptolemy 1. seized and occupied Syria on sev-
eral occasions (320, 302, etc.)» and carried to Egypt
thousands of Jews and others, maintaining throughout
the good-will of the people, who always resented the
authority of the Seleucidse. The Ptolemies seem to have
respected the religious principles of the Jews, while the
Seleucidae attempted to supplant their religion by forcing
heathen institutions upon them. A few of the monu-
ments of this important period of Jewish history may be
here briefly described.

1. The Temple near Heliopolis. Heliopolis was the
ancient site or an Egyptian temple, devoted to the wor-
ship of the sun. About 164-162 Onias, son of the high-
priest Onias II!., failing to secure the succession to the
Jerusalem high-priesthood, went to Egypt, and with the
co-operation of Ptolemy IV., transformed an old heathen
temple into a Jewish sanctuary and introduced a regular
temple service. This service continued until the temple
was closed by the Romans in A. D. 73. While this serv-
ice was looked upon with disfavor by the leading Jews of
Palestine, and while many Egyptian Jews continued to
regard visits to the Jerusalem sanctuary as important, its
introduction and maintenance mark a distinct stage in the
liberalizing of Jewish religious thought.

2. The ureek Version of the Old Testament {Septuagint).
The Jews shared fully in the great literary activity that
was fostered in Alexandria by the munificence of the
early Ptolemies. Among the most important products of
this activity was the Septuagint. No credit is at present
given to the Jewish tradition (preserved by Josephus),
which represents it as having been produced by seventy
scholars appointed by one of the Ptolemies for this pur-
pose, who wrought independently and reached precisely
the same result. Considering the vast expenditures of
the Ptolemies in the gathering of the Alexandrian Library,
it is not improbable that they extended their patronage
to this work. It was probably begun during the time
of Ptolemy II. (285-247), and completed under Ptolemy
VII. (182-146). the Pentateuch was the first to be
put into Greek. Palestinian Jews regarded the version
as a desecration. Greek-speaking Jews were naturally

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CHAP.nL] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 4I

delighted to have the sacred oracles in the popular lan<
guage. The Septuagint is a very free rendering, the de-
sire to bring the Old Testament writings into accord with
Greek modes of thought having been largely influential.
Extensive additions are made to several of the books,
and ultimately the apocryphal books were incorporated.
This version is highly significant as showing that a large
and influential part of the Jewish people had come to
prefer a free Greek translation to the Hebrew original,
and that Greek modes of thought had been extensively
adopted by the Jews along with the Greek language. It
also facilitated aquaintance with the Jewish religion on the
part of Greek-speaking Gentiles, and was an important
aid to the proselyting efforts of zealous Jews. Before
the beginning of the Christian era this version was in
common use not only in Egypt, but also in Syria, Asia
Minor, and to a considerable extent in Palestine itself.
The writers of our New Testament books were for the
most part content to quote freely from it.

3. The Apoaypha. This term (meaning concealed or
obscure) is applied to the considerable body of Jewish
writings that were incorporated in the Septuagint with
the Greek translations of the Hebrew canonical books,
but which have no place in the Hebrew canon. Several
of these (Baruch, in part, the Wisdom of Jesus Son of
Sirach, and i Maccabees) were written originally in He-
brew, but are preserved only in Greek. The rest seem
to have been composed in Greek. The Apocfyphal E^a
(i Esdras) is made up in part of materials from the
canonical Ezra, but largely of extra-canonical materi-
als. The aim of the writer seems to have been to
present a complete history of the temple from the sus-
pension of the services at the captivity, to the rehabilita-
tion of temple worship after the restoration. The addi-
turns to Esther consist of a dream of Mordecai regarding
the deliverance of his people, the decree of extermina-
tion by Artaxerxes, prayers of Mordecai and Esther, a
second edict of Artaxerxes, and the explanation of Mor-
decai's dream. The additions to Daniel consist of a
prayer of Azarias, the song of the three children in the
furnace, and the story of Bel and the Dragon. The
Prayer of Manasses, in captivity, is usually inserted

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42 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO

among the hymns following the Psalms. Baruck pur-
ports to have been written by the friend and amanuensis
of Jeremiah. It narrates the destruction of Jerusalem,
and gives an account of a deputation of Babylonian Jews
to Jerusalem on behalf of Nebuchadnezzar and his son,
who confessed their sins and sought the intercession of
the Jerusalem saints. The Letter of Jeremiah is addressed
to the Babylonian captives, and is a warning against
idolatry. Tobit is a charming religious story, which sets
forth Jewish life in the Babylonian captivity in its no-
blest, purest form. It abounds in the miraculous, and
Persian angelology figures prominently, but it is highly
moral in tone, and exhibits in a striking way the rewards
of righteousness and the penalties of wickedness. Judith
also is an edifying story, whose scene is laid in the time
of Nebuchadnezzar. Its aim is to show forth Jewish
heroism and virtue ; but the heroine acts upon the the-
ory that the end justifies the means, and the morality of
the work is from the Christian point of view unsatisfac-
tory. First (Maccabees is an authentic narrative of the
Maccabean struggle against Antiochus Epiphanes. Second
(Maccabees covers substantially the same ground, with
some extension of scope, but is legendary and untrust-
worthy. The other Maccabean books are still less
worthy of attention. Ecclesiasticus, or The Wisdom oj
Jesus, the Son of Sirach, written in Hebrew about 190-
170, and translated into Greek by the grandson of the
author about fifty years later, is an able, earnest work,
in which the influence of Greek philosophy is manifest.
It is well worth reading, because of its intrinsic merits
and as showing the trend of Jewish thought in the sec-
ond century before Christ. The Wisdom of Solomon is
still more decidedly Greek in its tone, and belongs to a
later time.

The dates of most of the Apocrypha are uncertain.
Tobit may have been written about 200 B. C. ; Sirach,
about 190, and the rest during and after the Maccabean
age. The Wisdom of Solomon and part of Baruch may
have been written in the early Christian time.

4. The Pseudepigrapha. Closely related to the Apoc-
rypha are the numerous Jewish religious writings of the
later ante-Christian and the early Christian time known

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CHAP. III.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 45

as Pseudepigrapha (works falsely ascribed to biblical
personages, and so spurious). Many of these are as im-
portant as any of the Apocrypha, as showing the types
of religious thought current among the Jews at the be-
ginning of the Christian era, and as helping to explain
some forms of early Christian heterodoxy. Some of
these have been preserved only in Ethiopic versions.

(i) How are we to account for the fact that so large
a proportion of the Jewish literature of the age, including
several of the Apocryphal writings, were pseudepigraphic?
It may be answered : (^) That the rights of authorship
were from the beginning ignored or disregarded by Jewish
writers. Few of the canonical writers took any pains to
attach their names to their works, (ft) The chief concern
of writers of this class was to impress certain thoughts as
profoundly as possible upon their contemporaries, and as
there had been developed an excessive regard for an-
tiquity it was considered legitimate to ascribe their pro-
ductions to ancient worthies, (c) Some of these writings
were intended as denunciations of contemporary abuses
and of obnoxious persons in authority, and it was deemed
safer to embody the uncomplimentary remarks in ficti-
tious works ascribed to the past, (d) It may be safely
said that in most cases there was no fraudulent intent,
but that the end in view was beneficent.*

(2) A few of the more important Pseudepigrapha may
be mentioned as specimens: (a) The Psalter of Solomon,
probably written in Hebrew, but extant only in Greek,
a collection of psalms in imitation of the canonical, at-
tributed to the time immediately following the overthrow
of the Asmonean monarchy by the Romans (63 B. C).
The writer regards the Asmoneans as usurpers, and re-
joices in their downfall. He represents Pharisaism rather
than Sadduceeism. In place of these godless rulers
the speedy coming of the Messiah, the Son of David,
with the setting up of his kingdom, is earnestly prayed
for. Faith in the resurrection and in divine retribution is
strongly set forth, (ft) The Book of Enoch, probably
composed in Hebrew more than a century before Christ,
employed by the New Testament jTi^d^ (ver. 14, 15),

* Cf, Dillmann, in Herxog and Schaff-Heriog.

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44 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa

much used by early Christian writers, preserved only in
an Ethiopic version,* consists of a series of revelations
supposed to have been made to Enoch. The work is
rich in angelology and in astrological lore, attempts to
explain everything in heaven and on earth, and contains
important expressions of Messianic hopes. The Messiah
is called " Son of God," ** Son of Woman," ''the Elect,"
*'the Word," and **the Lord of Spirits." Its expres-
sions in regard to the Messiah are so clear and definite,
and so much in accord with the reality, that some critics
have been led to ascribe them to later Christian interpo-
lation. Yet the representation is essentially Jewish, for
the Messiah is regarded as " only a kind of deputy for
God,"* rather than as God incarnate, (c) The Book of
Jubilees^ probably written in Hebrew during the first Chris-
tian century, and before the destruction of Jerusalem, but
extant only in Ethiopic, is a sort of rabbinical commentary
on Genesis. It attempts to show how Cain and Abel
got their wives, how Noah got the animals into the ark,
why Rebekah had a special affection for Jacob, etc. It
abounds in angelology and in fanciful stories, (d) The
Sibylline Books, so far as they were a product of Hellen-
istic Judaism, may properly be classed with the Pseude-
pigrapha. Not content to claim for their views the
authority of the patriarchs and prophets of their own
race, some of these enterprising religionists thought it
worth their while to ascribe to the Greek Sibyl poetical
effusions embodying in ill-disguised form prophecies of
the coming Messiah and other Jewish teachings. No
doubt it was the hope of the writers to impress Jewish
religious thought on pagan minds by this means. Early
Jewish Christians carried forward this work of manufac-
turing Sibylline verses, and many of the early Christian
writers quoted from the Sibylline Books as if they fully
credited their genuineness. A large body of pseudepi-
graphical literature grew up in the second and third
Christian centuries, especially among the heretical sects.

IV. THE MACCABEAN STRUGGLE.

I. The Occasion of the struggle was as follows : Up to

1 Gernan transUtion by DIUin«on. English traosUtlon by Scbodit. ' BltseU.

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CHAP.m.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 45

199 B. C. Palestine, though it had been a bone of con-
tention between the Egyptian and the Syrian rulers and
had suffered greatly from invading armies, had been for
the most part under the Egyptian rule and with important
exceptions had enjoyed a considerable measure of relig-
ious liberty. The whole of Syria, apart from Palestine,
had become thoroughly Hellenized, and it was natural
that with the incoming of Syrian authority pagan influ-
ences should be brought powerfully to bear in this
stronghdid of Judaism. At the time of the Syrian con-
quest Palestine was in an exceedingly depressed condi-
tion and its inhabitants had become weary of Egyptian
rule, which of late had been less beneficent than hereto-
fore. Antiochus III. sought to make good his conquest
by bestowing favors on the inhabitants. He offered
special inducements to Jews scattered abroad to return
to Jerusalem, provided a pension for the maintenance of
the temple worship, assisted in the repairing and com-
pletion of the temple, and expressed his wish that the
nation should ** live according to the laws of their own
country." He exempted priests, scribes, and temple
singers from taxation and gave three years' tax exemp-
•ion to all inhabitants of the city. Those who had been
enslaved were liberated. Such is the purport of a letter
of Antiochus to his general, Ptolemy, quoted by Jose-
phus. * Whether these promises were fully carried out
we do not know. Seleucus IV. (187-176) abandoned
this policy of conciliation, and his treasurer, Heliodorus,
who afterward murdered him, sought to rob the temple
of its treasures. But it remained for Antiochus IV.,
whom his admirers called Epiphanes (illustrious), but
who was more justly sur named Epimanes (madman), by
trampling upon the religious rights of the people, outrag.
ing their religious feelings, and inflicting upon them every
conceivable indignity and cruelty, to arouse the theo-
cratic patriotism of the nation to the fiercest and most
uncompromising resistance. Thwarted in his effort to
establish his authority in Egypt he seems to have vented
his spleen upon the Jews of Judea, whose brethren in
Egypt had no doubt been active opponents of his preten-

l'«ABti4|./'XIL.3:3.

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46 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO

sions. Much ill feeling had no doubt already arisen
between the rigorous Jews and the promoters of Greek
customs, now aggressive in Jerusalem itself. The high-
priest Onias III. sternly resisted the encroachments of
pagan life. His brother Jason led the Hellenizing oppo-
sition and was able by the royal favor to supplant Onias
in the office of high-priest. Naturally he used his position
for the overthrow of strict Judaism. He erected a gym-
nasium for Greek sports near the temple and sought to
occupy the attention of the priests themselves with secu-
lar frivolities.

Jason was soon supplanted by Menelaus, who had
gained the royal support, and a struggle between these
claimants ensued. It was a lamentable time for devout
Jews. The attempt of Jason to displace Menelaus by
force led to the intervention of the king, who after his
failure in Egypt through Roman interference was pre-
pared for any degree of cruelty. The massacre of Jew-
ish spectators at a Sabbath military parade, the plunder-
ing of the city, the prohibition on penalty of death of
Jewish sacrifices, temple services, and religious rites^
the decree for the destruction of the sacred books, the
desecration of the temple through the introduction of
heathen sacrifices, the forcing of swine's flesh down the
throats of priests and devout people, the driving of a
herd of swine into the temple precincts, are among the
many abominations committed by this ruler, who seems
to have been eccentric to the verge of insanity.

2. Mattathias and his Sons. The revolt was organized
by the priest Mattathias of the Asmonaean family and his
five heroic sons. Mattathias soon committed the command
of the patriot movement to his son Judas Maccabceus^ who
from i66 till i6o, when he was slain in battle, won victory
after victory over the demoralized Syrian forces. He
was succeeded by his younger brother Jonathan^ who
availed himself of a dispute over the Syrian throne to
secure for himself from one of the contestants recogni-
tion as high-priest, and from the other civil supremacy,
thus becoming the theocratic head of the people. He
remained a vassal of the successful contestant and was
murdered while seeking to protect him against a later
rival (143). His brother Simon succeeded to the leader-

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CHAP.IIL] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 47

ship and declared the nation independent. This was a
time of great rejoicing, " for every man sat under his
own fig tree and there was none to terrify him, nor were
any left in the land to fight against them." ^ Assassi-
nated through the treachery of his son-in-law, he was
succeeded by John Hyrcanus (135-105), who reigned with
brilliant success for thirty years, crushed the Samaritans,
and forced the Edomites to become Jews. His age is
noted for the full development of the Jewish sects that
flourished in the New Testament time and for the rise or
better organization of the council of elders to be after-
ward known as the Sanhedrin. Internal strife marks
the remainder of Jewish history until the Roman con-
quest in 63 B. C.

V. RISE OF RELIGIOUS PARTIES.

I. Jewish Sects. Nothing in the history of Jewish life
and thought during the time immediately preceding the
beginning of our era is more noteworthy than the sec-
tarian divisions that prevailed. These sects have their
germs in the early Persian time, but they reached their
full development after the Maccabean wars. Ezra and
Nehemiah, with their rigorous separatism and insistence
on the exact observance of the Law, were the forerun-
ners of the Pharisees. The great synagogue and the
rabbinic schools of the Persian and early Greek time
were essentially Pharisaic institutions. The Aramaic
paraphrases of the books of the Bible (Targumim) were
Pharisaic products. The elaboration of the Levitical law
that reached its final form in the Talmud had a like ori-
gin. Determined resistance to the intrusion of Persian,
pagan-Aramaic, and Greek customs and modes of thought,
resulted in the course of time in producing the narrow-
ness, bigotry, unamiableness, and hypocrisy that our
Lord so unsparingly denounced. During the Persian
and the early Greek time priests and scribes formed a
single class and were essentially Pharisaic. During the
later Greek and early Roman time Sadduceeism held the
priesthood by virtue of political influence, while the study

1 1 Macc 14 : »• u.

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48 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ

of the law was almost wholly in the hands of the Phari-
sees. The great body of the pious Jews of the apostolic
age were Pharisees. The worldly aristocracy of the
nation was Sadducean. Geiger, a modern rationalistic
Jew, compares Phariseeism with Protestantism and Sad-
duceeism with Catholicism. He regards Jesus as stand-
ing primarily on Pharisaic ground and seeking to reform
Pharisaism by combating its onesidedness and narrow-
ness.* It is no doubt true that Jesus accepted the great
body of doctrine for which the Pharisees stood and re-
jected every doctrine and view of life that characterized
the Sadducees.

Judas Maccabsus and the pious hosts (Chasidim)
whom he led to victory were in principle Pharisees. The
name Pharisees (Perushim) seems to have originated in
the time of John Hyrcanus (135-105), against whose
alliances with heathen princes (first Syrian and then
Roman) they protested with all earnestness. The term
means ** Separatists," and emphasized their determina-
tion to remain a peculiar people and to resist every effort
at amalgamation with the great world-powers. Their
numerical and moral superiority led to their complete
triumph after the death of Alexander Jannseus, son of
John Hyrcanus, who ruled 104-78. His widow Alex-
andra "put all things into their power" and "made
them bear good-will to '* her deceased husband." The
high-priesthood remained with the Sadducees, but the
influence of the Pharisees in all religious matters was
thenceforth supreme.

2. The Characteristic Teachings of the Pharisees, These
were as follows : (i) While laymg great emphasis on
the study and observance of the Old Testament Law
(T^oraA), they attached almost equal importance to " the
tradition of the fathers.'" To interpret Scripture in
opposition to tradition was regarded as highly culpable.
(2) They held tenaciously to the immortality of the soul,
to the resurrection of the dead, and to the doctrine of
future rewards and punishments. Eternal imprisonment
and torment are the portion of the wicked. The right-
eous have ** part in the world to come." (3) They had

1 **SMddmdur umd PtmritUr," pp. 31, 35, etc.
' JoMpbos. '* Aatlq.." XUL. 16 •• s. •iM,, w : 6.

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CHAP. III.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 49

a complete system of angelology. (4) They believed
strongly in the divine foreknowledge and foreordina-
tion, yet insisted upon human freedom and responsibil-
ity. According to Josephus : *' They assert that every-
thing is accomplished by fate. They do not, however,
deprive the human will of spontaneity, it having
pleased God that there should be a mixture, and that
to the will of fate should be added the human will
with its virtue or baseness."* They say that **some
but not all things are the work of fate; some things
depend on the will of man as to whether they are done
or not.'"

3. The Sadducees. (i) The Sadducees were in almost
every respect the antithesis of the Pharisees. They
consisted chiefly of the unprincipled and aspiring few
who by ingratiating themselves with the heathen rulers
were able to gain offices and emoluments. ** They only
gain the well-to-do," wrote Josephus ; *' they do not have
as their followers the common people." • Again : " This
doctrine has reached few men ; these however are of the
first consideration." * The possession of the high-priestly
office placed them at the head of the theocracy, and gave
them wealth and social rank. Not all priests were aris*
tocrats or opponents of the raboinic legalism ; but many
of the most influential in the apostolic age and for a cen-
tury before were such.

(2) The origin and significance of the name cannot be
said to have been fully determined. There is almost a
consensus of opinion among modern scholars that it was
not derived from the adjective Zaddiq, righteous, but
from the proper name Zadok. The question at issue is,
who of the many persons bearing that name was sup-
posed to be the founder of this type of Jewish life ? It
is highly probable that Zadok, a noted priest of the time
of Solomon, whose posterity had continued to exercise
priestly functions during the intervening centuries, was
the individual had in mind.

(3) Apart from their aristocracy and their inclination
toward pagan customs and modes of thought, the follow-
ing peculiarities may be noted : (a) They accepted tb«

1 Jostphus. "Airtlq./' XVIII.. i : 3. 'Josephus." Wsr." II.. S : 14.

• IH4., " Antlq.." Xlli.. 10 : 6. « tM.. XVIII., 1 : 4.

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$0 A MANUAL OP CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa

written Law (JTkorah) only, rejecting the entire body of
traditionary interpretation and elaboration by the rab-
binic schools.^ It was supposed by early Christian
writers that they rejected all of the Old Testament save
the Pentateuch, but this view is without documentary
support, and has been generally abandoned. Adhering
strictly to the letter of the Law, they are said to have
been more rigorous in the infliction of penalties than the
Pharisees, who were able to explain away requirements
that conflicted with their moral consciousness.' The
same principle prevailed in relation to judgments on the
clean and the unclean. While following the Levitical
prescriptions they mercilessly ridiculed the absurdities of
the Pharisaic refinements, (b) They denied the immor-
tality of the soul, the resurrection of the dead, the ex-
istence of angels and spirits, and the doctrine of futvre
rewards and punishments, maintaining that the eschato-
logical system of the Pharisees had no foundation in the
Law. {c) They were deists, denying the divine activity
in human affairs, and holding that man is the cause of
his own prosperity and adversity, (d) Accordingly they
rejected what they considered the fatalistic doctrine of
the Pharisees, maintaining that man has perpetually the
power to choose between and to do good and evil at his
discretion. The similarity of their views to those of the
Epicureans was early remarked, and may have been due
to the influence of the latter.

4. The Essenes. (i) For our knowledge of this sect
we are almost wholly dependent on Josephus, Philo, and
Pliny. Their accounts are for the most part concordant,
but differ in some details. The rise of the party is
veiled in obscurity. Josephus implies the existence of
the sect about 150 B. C* The descriptions that have
come down to us apply to the apostolic age, to which
Josephus and Philo belonged. The Essenes were es-
sentially a monastic order. "Their aim of life was
to be separate from the world with its evil practices,
to live a life of holiness and devotion to God, to bene-
fit mankind, to become the temple of the Holy Spirit, so
as to be enabled to prophesy and perform miraculous

1 JoMphus, " Antlq.." XIII.. lo : 6.
•IWi. XX..9:i. coaip.wiUiXUL*M;6. • Ikid., JLOL, $ 1 9,

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CHAP. III.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 51

cures, and to prepare themselves for a future state of
bliss and reunion with the Father of Spirits."*

(2) About the beginning of our er<». they are said to
have numbered some four thousand, and to have had
communities in many of the villages of Palestine. Their
most populous community was that in the desert of En-
gedi, on the Dead Sea. Their numbers, while not large,
indicate a considerable influence on Jewish life, for they
commonly practised celibacy and depended chiefly on
proselytism and the education of children entrusted to
them for the maintenance of their numerical strength.
It is probable that they enjoyed the confidence and favor
of a large number who were not prepared to subject
themselves to the rigorous discipline of the sect. It
is probable that all the communities were organically
united under a single control. Each community had a
complete organization. Membership was obtained by
initiation into secret rites. After a year's probation and
instruction the candidate received ceremonial lustration
(resembling Christian baptism). After two years'
further testing he was introduced to the common meals
and to full communion. A rigorous pledge of secrecy
was exacted. Each candidate was required to deliver up
his property to the order, and the strictest community of
goods was practised. '* By putting everything together
without distinction, they enjoy the common use of all.''"
Even clothes were common property. The officials for
the administration of the communal affairs were ap-
pointed, by the entire body of the initiated. They en-
gaged in agriculture and in various branches of industry,
but renounced trade as corrupting in its tendency, and
refused to manufacture articles for use in war, or that
they judged injurious. In addition to their practice of
celibacy they renounced luxury of every kind, forbade
swearing, prohibited slavery, eschewed anointing with oil
as luxurious, practised frequent bathing in cold water,
were exceedingly modest in performing natural functions,
and refused to offer animal sacrifices, sending gifts of in-
cense to the temple instead. It does not appear, as has
sometimes been maintained, that they renounced the use

>Gliisbwf. aPhilo.

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52 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO

of flesh and of wine, though they were no doubt abste-
mious in a high degree.

(3) The doctrinal position of the Essenes may be
stated as follows : (a) They accepted the Old Testament
Scriptures and ''are described by the orthodox Jews
themselves as the holiest and most consistent followers
of the Mosaic law." * (b) They agreed with the Phari-
sees, against the Sadducees, in the principal points in
which these bodies were at variance, (c) They differed
from the Pharisees in renouncing marriage and animal
sacrifices, and in denying the resurrection of the body.
Yet they believed strongly in the immortality of the
soul and in future rewards and punishments, (d) Es-
senism has so much in common with the religion of
Christ that some writers have been inclined to regard
Jesus himself and his forerunner, John the Baptist, as
members of this society. There can be no objection to
supposing that Jesus, who professedly based his teaching
on the Jewish Scriptures, incorporated in his teaching
whatever was best and most spiritual in Jewish life and
thought. The teaching of the Essenes on seeking the
kingdom of God might well be emphasized and spiritual-
ized by the Saviour. Our Lord's requirement, as a con-
dition of discipleship, of a willingness to renounce all
earthly ties and possessions reminds us of the Essenic
terms of admission to fellowship. The emphasizing of
brotherly love is common to the two systems. The
Beatitudes of the Sermon on the Mount strongly resemble
the Essenic teaching. The celibacy of John the Baptist
and of Jesus, and the preference for celibacy under exist-
ing circumstances expressed by the Apostle Paul" have
been regarded as significant points of contact between
Essenism and Christianity. The prominence given by
the Essenes to bodily healing has its parallel in the prac-
tice of Christ and his disciples, due allowance being made
for Christ's exercise of divine power. The renuncia-
tion of warfare, oaths, and slavery on the part of the
Essenes reminds one strikingly of the attitude of Jesus
on these matters. While Jesus did not formally forbid
slavery, it is generally admitted that the spirit of his

> Ginsborg. * i Cor. y : •$. Mf.

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CHAP, in.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 53

teaching excludes it. Essenism and Christianity agree
in their requirement of absolute truthfulness and purity
of heart and life. Both alike lay stress on the practice
of prophecy. That Jesus infinitely transcended the nar-
row limits of Essenism by spiritualizing and universalizing
the truths that it contained, and eliminating the formal-
ism and the asceticism that characterized it, does not de-
tract from our interest in comparing the adumbrations of
the earlier system with the perfect revelation of the
later, (e) There are certain non-Jewish or anti-Jewish
teachings and practices in Essenism, the origin of which
has been a matter of controversy. Many recent scholars,
Jewish and Christian (Frankel, Jost, Graetz, Deren-
bourg, Geiger, Ginsburg, Ewald, Hausrath, Reuss, and
Kuenen), have sought to prove that the seemingly anti-
Judaistic elements are really derivable from the extreme
Pharisaic point of view. Among those who admit the
probability of foreign influences opinion is pretty evenly
divided between those who ascribe these features to
Persian dualism (Lightfoot, Hilgenfeld, etc.) and those
who ascribe them to Pythagorean influence (Zeller,
Keim, SchUrer, etc.). Some (as Lipsius) prefer to de-
rive these features from the influence of Syro-Palestinian
heathenism, while others (as Seydel and Lillie) seek to
derive Essenism and Christianity itself from Buddhism.
The influence of Persian thought on Pharisaic Judaism
in general is commonly admitted. There seems little
difficulty in supposing that in the case of the Essenes
these influences extended somewhat farther than with
the Pharisees. That which savors most of Persian in-
fluence is the semblance of sun-worship. Josephus
q)eaks of ** their piety toward God" as "extraordi-
nary," and grounds this statement on the fact that *' they
never speak about worldly matters before the sun rises,
but offer up with their faces toward it, certain prayers,
handed down by their forefathers, as if supplicating it to
rise." * If Josephus' testimony is accepted, it can hardly
be denied that their attitude toward the sun involved a
certain amount of superstition, though Josephus seems
to commend rather than condemn their practice. Their

i"W«r,"n..S:5.

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54 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa

rejection of animal sacrifices is in accord with Persian
dualism, as are also their wearing of white garments,
their lustrations, and their angelology. With equal
readiness several of the peculiarities of Essenism might
be derived from Pythagoreanism, such as " its aspira-
tions for bodily purity and sanctity, its lustrations, its
simple habits of life apart from all sensual enjoyments,
its high estimation (if not exactly its requirement) of
celibacy, its white garments, repudiation of oaths, and
especially its rejection of bloody sacrifices, also the in-
vocation of the sun and the scrupulosity with which all
that was unclean (such as human excrements) was hid-
den from it ; and lastly, the dualistic view of the relation
of soul and body." ^ It is probable that some features of
later Pythagoreanism itself are due to Persian influence.
It may be said in conclusion that the particulars in which
Essenism deviated from Pharisaic Judaism may be best
explained by the supposition of a combination of Zoroas-
trian and Pythagorean influences. The precise methods
in which these influences were applied cannot be deter-
mined.

5. The Samaritans. The territory occupied by the ten
tribes before the captivity was overrun by a motley host
of heathen peoples, with whom the remnants of Israel
became to a great extent amalgamated. The restoration
brought back only a small portion of the ten tribes. The
refusal of Zerubbabel to allow the people of Israel to
participate in the work of rebuilding and to join with
them in religious matters led ultimately to the building
of a temple on Mount Gerizim and the complete relig-
ious estrangement of Jews and Samaritans. The Samar-
itans have maintained themselves in small numbers
until the present time. Their recension of the Penta-
teuch, while evidently corrupted in the interest of their
claim to superiority over the Jews, otherwise represents
a very early text. It is not easy to determine the pre-
cise religious position of the Samaritans at the beginning
of the Christian era. Apart from their contention that
Gerizim and not Jerusalem was the true sanctuary, their
interpretation of the Pentateuch did not differ, except in

iScburar.

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CHAP, in.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 55

a few points, from that of the Jews. Their aversion to
anthropomorphic and anthropopathic representations of
God had probably been developed before the beginning
of our era. They no doubt derived from the Persians
their elaborate angelology. To a host of good and evil
angels they assigned the function of mediating between
God and men. The chief cause of variance between
Samaritans and Jews after the restoration was the re-
fusal of the former to submit to the rigorous require-
ment by Ezra and Nehemiah of separation from heathen
wives. It would seem that the Samaritans laid far less
stress on rigorous separatism and on ceremonial purity
than did the Pharisaic Jews. Samaria proved a fruitful
soil for Christian heresy in the early centuries of our era.

VI. THE DISPERSION.

I. The Causes and Extent of the Dispersion. Enough
has already been written to show the extent and im-
portance of the Jewish settlements in Egypt under Alex-
ander and the Ptolemies. What is true of Egypt is true
of Syria, where every town had its large Jewish com-
munity and its synagogue. A Sibylline writer of about
140 B. C, remarks that every land and every sea is
filled with Jews. By this time the Maccabean rulers
had entered into a close alliance with Rome. In 139-138
Simon Maccabaeus sent an embassy to Rome and secured
from the Consul Lucius a letter addressed to all the kings
and countries under Roman influence, enjoining upon
them to do the Jews '* no harm, nor fight against them,
nor their cities, nor their country, and that they should
not aid their enemies." * A list of the princes and coun-
tries especially addressed is here given. This list was
evidently dictated by the Jewish ambassadors and indi-
cates the extent of the dispersion at this date. It also
shows how rflghly the friendship of this cosmopolitan
people was appreciated. As Alexander and his succes-
sors had treated them with consideration as an important
means of extending and conserving their influence, so
now the Romans offer them full protection because they

1 1 Mace, xj : 15. 04.

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56 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRQ

wish to have the support of the Jews in carrying out
their stupendous scheme of world-conquest and world-
administration. Strabo, Philo, and Josephus, all bear
testimony to the influential presence of the Jews in every
part of the habitable world. The enumeration of localities
from which Jews were present at the great Pentecostal
feast in Acts 2 : 9, 1 1 has the same bearing. They were a
great trading people and their commercial importance
was generally recognized.

A large proportion of the descendants of those who
went into captivity, especially of the ten tribes, made
their permanent home in Mesopotamia, Media, and the
adjoining regions. Josephus represents the descendants
of the ten tribes in these regions as beyond computation.*
SchUrer supposes that **they were numbered, not by
thousands but by millions.'' Nehardea and Nisibis were
their chief centers. A large proportion of the inhabitants
of Syria, especially in the cities and towns, were Jews.
Josephus relates that in Damascus eighteen thousand
(elsewhere ten thousand) Jews were massacred on one
occasion. This would indicate a vast Jewish population.
Philo estimated the Jews of Egypt in the apostolic time
at one million. From Egypt they spread westward to
Cyrene and southward to Ethiopia and Abyssinia. Asia
Minor, Greece, Macedonia, and the isles of the sea, were
the abiding-places of multitudes of Jews. Pompey
brought many captive Jews to Rome (63 B. C), but
most of these were soon at liberty and prospering in
business. The extent of the Roman colony in the New
Testament time may be inferred from Josephus' state-
ment that eight thousand Roman Jews joined with a
deputation from Palestine about 4 B. C. In 19 A. D. the
Roman Jews came into disfavor and were banished.
Four thousand men suitable for military service were
sent to Sardinia.' Sejanus, their accuser, came into
disfavor soon afterward and the Emperor Tiberius seems
to have allowed them to return (31 A. D.). The Em-
peror Claudius issued an edict of banishment against the
Jews (about 49-52), but it was not carried fully into
effect.

~ »"Antl<i.,"XI..5:a.

• T«Clnis. "Ann.." IL. 8$ ; JoMpDus. "Antiq.." XVIIl, 3 : $.

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CHAP. III.] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 57

2. Proselytes. It were not to be expected that so vital
and aggressive a people as were the Jews of the disper-
sion should be content to restrict their activity to the
maintenance of the faith among themselves. As a mat-
ter of fact they gained the reputation of being the most
zealous of proselyters. While they were by no means
popular in the heathen communities where they resided,
and while heathen writers lost no opportunity to hold
them up to contempt, earnest spirits were everywhere
found who, dissatisfied with the corrupt heathen cults
and with the heathen philosophy of the time, longed for
a purer, more spiritual, and more authoritative form of
religion.

(i) Methods of Jewish Propagandism. (a) It was prob-
ably their doctrine of God as the Almighty Creator and
sole and righteous Ruler of the universe, to be wor-
shiped not under material forms but as a spirit, a God
who rewards the righteous and punishes the wicked in
this life and in the life to come, that was most influen-
tial in winning converts. (Jb) Again, Judaism provided,
through its sacrifices and purificatory rites, for deliver-
ance from sin and gave the promise of present and future
blessedness, (c) The morality of Judaism, however far
it may have fallen below the Christian ideal, was im-
measurably superior to that of the best forms of heathen-
ism, (ji) The well-being and happiness of the average
Jewish family was no doubt, under ordinary circum-
stances, greatly superior to that of the average heathen
family in the same community. These facts would aid
zealous Jews in persuading discontented heathen to
accept their creed, (e) Again, Oriental religions were
much in vogue in Western Asia and Europe about the
beginning of our era. Egyptian religion, in its various
phases, had multitudes of adherents in Asia Minor,
Greece, and Italy. The Greek and Roman religions had
lost their hold on the popular mind. In searching for
something more satisfying and reasonable, heathen were
in many cases willing to listen attentively to what skill-
ful Jewish propagandists had to say.

(2) Numbers of Proselytes. The numbers won to the
Jewish faith must have been very considerable. A
careful modern writer states that "at or before the

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58 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [INTRO

beginning of the Christian era they might have been
reckoned by hundreds of thousands, if not millions."*
Josephus says : " Many of the Greeks have been con-
verted to the observance of our laws ; some have re-
mained true, while others, who were incapable of stead-
fastness, have fallen away again." ' •* Likewise among
the mass of the people there has for a time now been a
great amount of zeal for our worship ; nor is there a single
town among Greeks, or barbarians, or anywhere else, not
a single nation to which the observance of the Sabbath
as it exists among ourselves has not penetrated, while
fasting and the burning of lights, and many of our laws
with regard to meats, are also observed."* Similar
testimony is borne by such pagan writers as Seneca and
Dio Cassius. Among the most noted proselytes was
King Izates of Adiabene, who sent his five sons to Jeru-
salem to be educated. His successor, Monobazus, had a
palace in Jerusalem. It is probable that a large propor-
tion of the proselytes were very imperfectly instructed
in the principles of Judaism and continued to practise
much of heathenism ; but the multitude of converts in
all parts of the civilized world shows that Judaism was
at the beginning of the Christian era by no means an
obscure religion in which little interest was taken out-
side of the Jewish nation, but that it was awakening a
surprising amount of attention throughout wide circles.

(3) Classes of Proselytes. Two classes of converts are
distinguishable, ** God-fearing Gentiles " or *' proselytes
of the gate," and "proselytes of righteousness." The
former "bound themselves to avoid . . . blasphemy,
idolatry, murder, uncleanness, theft, disobedience toward
the authorities, and the eating of flesh with its blood."*
The latter were admitted to all the privileges of the
theocracy, after circumcision, baptism, and sacrifice.
That proselyte baptism was practised before the begin-
ning of the Christian era has been questioned by some,
but without sufficient reason. Some who have rejected
the antiquity of proselyte baptism have yet admitted
that the proselyte was required to take a purificatory
bath after his circumcision and before his admission to

1 Bi$s«ll. • *' Apion." II.. 19. • " Apion." 11.. 39. ^ Bisfell.

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CHAP.IIL] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 59

full standing as a Jew ; but the distinction between a
ceremonial bath and baptism is unwarranted, as the
same Hebrew word is used for both. It is probable that
the great mass of proselytes belonged to the former
class.

VII. THE JEWISH-ALEXANDRIAN PHILOSOPHY— PHILO JUDiEUS.

Reference has already been made to the importance of
Alexandria as a focusing point for the world's philosophi-
cal and theological thought and to the literary activity of
the Greek-speaking Jews in Egypt. Before the begin-
ning of our era there had been developed a remarkable
type of philosophical thought known as the Jewish-Alex-
andrian philosophy. This system reached its highest de-
velopment and found its ablest exponent in Philo (born
32-20 B. C, died about 53 A. D.).

I. Sketch of Philo. Of a wealthy and aristocratic
family (his brother held a high office under the Emperor
Caius and was the intimate friend of the Jewish King
Agrippa), Philo enjoyed all the educational privileges
that Alexandria afforded. Thoroughly imbued with the
spirit of Greek philosophy and familiar with Greek liter-
ature, he was yet a devout Jew. He was of the opinion
that the Greeks had derived from the Jewish Scriptures
all that was wise, true, and lofty in their thinking. It
was his task, as it had been the task of others of his
type, to show the complete harmony of the divine reve-
lation of the Old Testament with all that is best in
Greek philosophy. It was his conviction that the Scrip-
tures translated into Greek and rightly interpreted might
wield a mighty influence for the salvation of mankind.
The fact is that his own modes of thought and views
of life were fundamentally those of the Greek philoso-
phy (a composite of Pythagoreanism, Platonism, Aris-
totelianism, and Stoicism), and he undertook to show
by applying the allegorical system of interpretation to
the Scriptures that these were not as they seemed to
be, simple, unsophisticated narratives of the dealings of
God with his people, but that underneath the anthropo-
morphic and anthropopathic representations of God and
the uncouth representations of the sins and follies of

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60 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRa

the heroes and worthies of Hebrew history, everything
that was wise and exalted in Greek philosophy lay con-
cealed.

2. The Allegorical Method of Interpretation, This, as
applied to ancient documents, was not the invention, of
Philo or of his Jewish-Alexandrian predecessors. It had
been employed for centuries by the Greeks in the inter-
pretation of Homer and was probably in common use
among the Egyptian priests. In fact it is an obvious
device in connection with any esoteric system of religion.
But it is doubtful whether it had ever been employed so
systematically and effectively as by this writer. Every-
thing that is opposed to his philosophical conceptions of
God and the universe and to his sense of propriety in
the recorded deeds of men of God yields readily to this
universal solvent. It is almost certain that if Philo and
those like-minded had been shut up to a literal treatment
of the Scriptures they would have rejected them as fall-
ing in their opinion far below the writings of the Greek
philosophers in dignity, beauty, and spirituality. Having
no true historical perspective, they were unable to ap-
preciate the progressiveness of divine revelation or to
understand aright the relation of the human and the
divine in Scripture. This corrupting feature of Philo's
work was laid hold of by early Christian writers.

3. Philo' s Eclecticism. His system embraces elements
of Pythagoreanism, Platonism, Aristotelianism, and Stoi-
cism, very imperfectly blended or systematized.

(i) His idea of God, from which he sought to eliminate
everything anthropomorphic and anthropopathic, was
exceedingly transcendental. He sought to hold fast to
the personality of God and his freedom in willing, and
yet denied that he had qualities. God is above all quali-
ties and only negations can be predicated of him. Yet
he did not hesitate to affirm that God is eternal, self-
existent, omniscient, omnipotent, perfect, efficient, free,
and self-determining. In fact he seems to have com-
bined, without reconciling them, the Platonic idea of the
divine transcendence and absoluteness with the Stoic
doctrine of divine immanence.

(2) Regarding God as exalted above all possibilify 0}
contact with matter, which he characterizes as 'Mifeless,

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CHAP.DL] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 6l

erroneous, divisible, unequal/' and hence essentially
evil, he felt the need of bridging the gulf between God
and the world by the supposition of certain ** creative
and regulative Powers." These Powers seem to combine
the features of the current Jewish angelology with those
of the Stoic Logoi and the Platonic Ideas. The three sets
of expressions he uses almost indifferently. These
Powers are represented as the thoughts of God, the
heavenly archetypes of earthly things, as that which
gives life, reality, and durability to matter, as the breath
of God's mouth. It is difficult to determine whether
Philo intended to ascribe personality to the Powers or
regarded them as mere abstractions. Most of his expres-
sions seem to favor the latter view.

(3) Most important of all for early Christian theology
was his doctrine of the Logos. Here also he sought to com-
bine Jewish with Platonic and Stoic conceptions. '* Philo
has gathered together from East and West every thought,
every divination that could help to mold his sublime con-
ception of a Vicegerent of God, a Mediator between the
Eternal and the ephemeral. His Logos reflects light
from countless facets. It is one of those creative phrasas,
struck out in the crisis of projection, which mark an
epoch in the development of thought."* The multi-
plicity of Philo's representations of the Logos make it
impossible to define his conception in a single phrase.
The Platonic Idea 0.* Good, the Stoic World-Soul, and
the Jewish conceptions of the Shechinah, of the Name
of God, of tne Heavenly Man, of the eternal High Priest,
seem to have been combined in his thought and in his
expressions. The Targums (Aramaic paraphrases of the
Hebrew Scriptures) frequently employ the term Word
(Memra) to denote God as revealing himself. Such Old
Testament representations as "the Angel of the Lord "
and " Wisdom " are not lost sight of. In relation to God
the Word is *' Eternal Wisdom," "the sum of the
thoughts of God," " the Idea of Ideas, which imparts
reality to all lower ideas," "the whole mind of God.
considered as traveling outside of itself and expressing
itself in act."* He is the "Shadow of God," the

inn.

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62 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRO

" Eldest Son/' '• the First-born " of God. He is thought
of as the ** Sum," as the " Creator," as the *' Captain,"
and the "Archangel " of the other Powers. In relation
to the universe the Word is represented as the instru-
mental cause or organ of creation, as the Creator, as the
Vicegerent of the Great King. In relation to man the
Logos is "the Mediator, the Heavenly Man, who repre-
sents in the eyes of God the whole family upon earth." *
He is the High Priest, the Supplicator, the Paraclete.
Philo makes him say : ** 1 stand between the Lord and
you, I am neither uncreated like God nor created like
you, but a mean between the two extremes, a hostage
to either side."

Philo's conception of the Logos falls short of the New
Testament doctrine in the following respects : (a) There
is no sense of the necessity of the incarnation ; (ft) there
is no proper feeling of the need of atonement to be
wrought out by self-emptying and self-sacrifice on the
part of the Son of God ; (c) there is no place for a divine-
human Saviour, for sin is thought of as mere ignorance,
as salvation consists in enlightenment ; (d) it does not
appear that Philo conceived of the Logos as a Person in
our sense of the term. His personifications are such as
he freely applies to any idea whatever.

(4) The relation of the prologue of John's Gospel to the
Philonic Logos doctrine is still a matter of dispute. WhUe
it is not improbable that the writer of this Gospel was
familiar either with Philo's writings or with the Jewish-
Alexandrian mode of thought from which they pro-
ceeded, its simplicity and freedom from heathen specula-
tive elements radically differentiate his representation
from the Philonic, and show clearly the divine impress..
It was on the theology of the Gnostics and of the Alex*
andrian school of Christian thought (second and third
centuries) that Philo's writings were to exert the most
marked influence.

VIII. MESSIANIC EXPECTATIONS.

Nothing was more characteristic of later Judaism than

»Blgc

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CHAP.UL] PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY 63

the prominence and definiteness of its Messianic expec-
tations.

1. The Earlier (Messianic Hope. The earlier Messianic
hope had been centered in the glorious and blessed future
of the nation, and did not go much beyond the range of
contemporary circumstances. While the glorious future
of the nation was not lost sight of by later Jews, far more
stress was laid by them on the relation of the individual
and of the non-Jewish world to the Messianic kingdom.

2. The Doctrines of Immortality and Resurrection. These
having come more clearly into the consciousness of the
people, eschatological elements naturally occupy a more
prominent place in their Messianic expectations.

3. God as King of the World. God is now definitely
thought of as the King of the world, and the Messiah as
judging and ruling the world on God's behalf. The book
of Enoch represents the Messiah as hidden and kept with
God before his earthly appearing.* His name is said to
have been named before the sun, the signs, and the stars
were formed.' Before the world was created he was
chosen and hidden with God.* His glory is said to be
from eternity to eternity. In him dwells the spirit of
wisdom. He will judge the hidden things, and no one
will be able to hold vain discourse before him.* Very
similar is the teaching of the Fourth Book of Ezra. The
Messiah was ready to appear as soon as the people
should repent and perfectly fulfill the law. A single day
of repentance on the part of the nation would usher in
Messiah's kingdom.*

4. His Secret Presence. In some accounts his secret
presence is assumed, and his revelation is delayed by
the sins of the people. His appearing is conceived of as
sudden, and as accompanied by miraculous displays of
power. The appearing of Messiah was to be followed
by a marshaling of the heathen powers for a final con-
flict, and the overthrow of these hosts of evil by the
power of God. The Messiah then sits in judgment on
the throne of his glory. He is called in the book of
Enoch "Son of Man," "Son of Woman."* He strikes
terror to the hearts of the kings of the nations, and destroys

1 46 : z. a ; 69 : 7. * 48 : 3. * 4S : 6. « 49 : a-4.

* Sm Schurer, VoL U., •• p. 163, etc * fa : s* ^9*

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64 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [iNTRO.

them from the face of the earth. '* As long as there are
sinners in the world, so long does the wrath of God en-
dure, but as they disappear from the world the divine
wrath also vanishes."*

$..Ren(wation and Purification. The renovation and
purification of Jerusalem follows, the new city greatly to
surpass in splendor the old at its best. Some represen-
tations seem to imply that it existed already in heaven,
and was to be suddenly let down at the appointed time.

6. The Gathering of the Dispersed. The dispersed are
next to be gathered, and are to participate in the glorious
and joyful kingdom which, centering in Jerusalem and
Palestine, is to extend throughout the world. War and
strife shall be at an end, and righteousness, benevolence,
and all virtue shall universally prevail. Suffering and
disease shall be no more, and men shall live nearly a
thousand years, continually renewing their youth. Child-
birth shall be painless and physical effort without weari-
ness. Some thought of this earthly kingdom as ever-
lasting, others looked upon it as a prelude to a still more
glorious heavenly kingdom.' According to some, *' the
coming age "consists in a renovation of the heavens and
the earth. Some supposed that this renovation would
occur at the beginning and some at the end of Messiah's
reign.

7. The Universal T{esurrection. The next stage in the
panorama is the universal resurrection. This is to be
followed by the final judgment. The Jewish eschatol-
ogy provided for an intermediate state between death
and the resurrection in which righteous souls are happy
and the wicked suffer.

8. V^on-Suffering (Messiah. From the views of the
Messiah already set forth, it is evident that the idea of a
suffering and sin-atoning Messiah had little place in the
Jewish thought of the age under consideration. If such
passages as Isa. $3 were Messianically interpreted at
all, little emphasis was placed upon the features of the
character and purpose of the Messiah there set forth.

1 MIsbnA, *' Sanhedrin/' X., 6. * Apocalypse of Banich and Fourth Em.

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PERIOD I

FROM THE BIRTH OF CHRIST TO THE END OP
THE APOSTOLIC AGE (4 B. C.-ioo)

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CHAPTER I

JESUS THE CHRIST

LITERATURE: The four Gospels constitute the chief sources.
See also the Harmonies of Robinson, Claric, Broadus, and Stevens
and Burton ; the New Testament Introductions of Bleeic, Reuss,
Weiss, and Zahn; the Lives of Christ by Andrews, Neander,
Ederslieim, Ewald, Lange, Farrar, Geikie, Pressensi, Weiss, Keim,
Stall<er, Broadus, and Wallace : worlcs on the Biblical Theology of
the New Testament by Weiss, Beyschiag, Van Oosterzee, Stevens,
and Adeney ; Hausrath, " History of the New Testament Times" ;
Wendt, •* The Teaching of Jesus ^ ; Bruce, " The Kingdom of God :
or, Christ's Teaching according to the Synoptical Gospels," ana
"The Training of fte Twelve"; Candlish, "The Kingdom of
God"; Fairbaim, "Studies in the Life of Christ"; Schiirer,
"The Jewish People in the time of Jesus Christ"; and"Ecce
Homo." The Bible dictionaries and the encyclopedias may also
be consulted with profit, as may also the files of Uerman, French,
English, and American theological reviews.

I. THE FULLNESS OF THE TIJ^E

The last two chapters of the Introduction have set
forth the achievements of the ancient world in philos-
ophy and religion, the diffusion and blending of the ele-
ments of civilization that had been developed through
the Macedonian and Roman conquests, and the failure
of ancient civilization to regenerate the world or to satisfy
the deeper longings of mankind. Judaism itself, under
the influence of the Persian, Greek, and Roman civiliza-
tions, had undergone a process of development and had
produced a remarkable literature ; but the best Jewish
life was utterly dissatisfied with actual achievement and
looked forward with earnest longing to a Messianic era.
In the Roman world faith in the popular mythology had
been destroyed by philosophy, and the better forms of
philosophy had been supplanted for the most part by
Greek skepticism, whose motto was ** Enjoy to the full
the present,'' and which was fundamentally anti-social
and selfish. Jews and Gentiles alike were in need of a

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68 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. L

Saviour, and the better spirits were deeply conscious of
that need.

In Jesus of Nazareth was fulfilled all that was noblest
and most spiritual in the aspirations of Jews and Gentiles,
and in a very direct and accurate way the predictions of
the Old Testament prophets. It was only after the world
had been made ready for the reception and the propaga-
tion of his religion that the Divine-human Redeemer ap-
peared.

For the history of the earthly career of our Lord we are
dependent almost wholly on the four Gospels, which from
different points of view embody the apostolic remem-
brances of the acts and words of the Master, and which
taken together give us what the Holy Spirit designed we
should know about the Word made flesh.

II. THE PRE-INCARNATE WORD.

John alone of all the evangelists lifts the veil of the
infinite past, and in the language of the Stoics and of
Philo reveals to us the eternal facts and relations of the
Godhead : 'Mn the beginning was the Word (Logos), and
the Word was with God, and the Word was God. The
same was in the beginning with God. All things were
made by him ; and without him was not anything made
that hath been made. In him was life ; and the life was
the light of men. . . There was the true light, which
lighteth every man coming into the world. . . And the
Word became flesh, and dwelt among us." In these
simple but profound sentences we have not the gropings
after truth of a Philo, but the clear dogmatic statement of
the identity of Jesus the Christ, the Word made flesh, with
the eternal divine thought and projective activity that
conceived and planned and made the universe, and that
as the "true light" " lighteth every man coming into
the world." The writer is not concerned with the earthly
genealogy of the Messiah. He is content to say, "The
Word became flesh and dwelt among us."

III. FROM CONCEPTION TO BAPTISM.

I. The Genealogies. Matthew and Luke connect the
incarnate Saviour with Abraham, the father of the He-
brew people, and with King David. Matthew speaks 0/

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CHAP.l.] JESUS THE CHRIST 69

Jesus Christ as "the son of David, the son of Abraham/'
and indicates the chief persons in the line of succession
from Abraham to " Joseph the husband of Mary, of whom
was born Jesus, who is called Christ." Luke traces the
line from Joseph, whose son Jesus was supposed to be,
through David, Abraham, and Adam, to God. His list
includes far more names than Matthew's, and the two
lists, while agreeing in the principal names, differ greatly
in detail. But it is remarkable that both trace the suc-
cession through Joseph rather than through Mary. These
genealogies seem to be wholly independent of each other,
but are not contradictory. It would have been easy,
with all the facts in hand, to construct scores of different
genealogical schemes, in which the lines would cross each
other from time to time, all being equally correct and
none being complete. It is highly probable that our
Saviour did not concern himself at all about his family
connections, and that the working out of these schemes
occurred after his ascension.

2. The Annunciation to Mary. Luke alone records the
angelic annunciation to Mary of the conception and birth
of Jesus, as well as the circumstances relating to the con-
ception of John the Baptist and the intercourse of Mary
and Elisabeth. Matthew records an annunciation by the
Lord to Joseph, troubled on account of the premarital
pregnancy of his wife, of the conception that had oc-
curred by the Holy Ghost.

3. The Birth and Childhood. Luke alone records the
occasion of the visit of Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem and
the laying of the new-born Jesus in a manger, as well as
the angelic annunciation of the birth to the shepherds, the
visit of the shepherds, the circumcision, and the presenta-
tion in the temple. Matthew alone narrates the visit of
the wise men from the East, the alarm and persecuting
measures of Herod, the flight into Egypt, and the return.
Luke alone tells us that "the child grew and waxed
strong, filled with wisdom: and the grace of God was
upon him," that he visited the temple when twelve years
of age, that he was subject to his parents during the suc-
ceeding years, and that he advanced "in wisdom and
stature, and in favor with God and men.'-'

4. The Forerunner. All four evangelists give accounts

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70 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

of the ministry of John the Baptist. Matthew and Mark
alone refer to his rough attire and his diet of "locusts
and wild honey. " With the enthusiasm and intensity of
a prophet John denounced the sins of the people, warning
them that the kingdom of heaven was at hand, urging
them to flee from the coming wrath, "preaching the bap-
tism of repentance unto remission of sins," baptizing in
the Jordan such as confessed their sins, and proclaiming
the approaching advent of one mightier than he who
should baptize them "with the Holy Ghost and with
fire."

IV. THE BAPTISM, THE TEMPTATION, AND THE TESTIMONY OF
JOHN THE BAPTIST.

All four evangelists bear witness to the baptism of
Jesus by John. Matthew alone refers to the hesitatior
of John on account of his recognition of superiority in
Jesus, and Jesus' answer, that " thus it becometh us to
fulfill all righteousness." All four record the descent of
the Spirit upon the baptized Jesus, and all but John
record the expression of the divine approval.

The temptation, narrated very briefly by Mark and in
detail by Matthew and Luke, is one of the most signifi-
cant events in the early life of Jesus. The materials for
this narrative could have come from Jesus alone. The
question as to the occasion on which this autobiographical
account of a momentous experience was given has been
much discussed: The fact that the narrative implies the
assertion of Messiahship on the part of Jesus has led some
critics to the conclusion that the earliest suitable occasion
for the communication of this experience was in the third
year of his Galilean ministry, when at Caesarea-Philippi
he took his disciples into his confidence and made known
unto them the sufferings that awaited him (Matt. i6 : 21;
Mark 8:31-9:1; Luke 9 : 22-27). But for our purpose
the fact of this wonderful experience, and the conscious-
ness of Messiahship that must have resulted, alone need to
be insisted upon. The narrative shows that Jesus as a man
was subject to temptations, that he was assailed by temp-
tations to satisfy his physical desires by miraculous
means, to astonish the multitudes by showing his supe-
riority to natural law, and to make earthly dominion an

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CHAP.!.] JESUS THE CHRIST 7 1

object of his striving. These temptations must have
been real, or they would have no significance. There
is no evidence that Satan ever renewed his assault.
This consciousness of Messiahship, involving his mis-
sion as a suffering Saviour, was henceforth complete.

John alone mentions the testimony of John the Bap-
tist before the priests and Levites, and afterward before
the assembled people, to Jesus' Messiahship : '' Behold
the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the
world," and his indication of Jesus to two of his own
disciples as the *' Lamb of God," and so worthy to be
followed. One of these was apparently John himself;
the other he tells us was Andrew, who having recognized
in Jesus the Messiah brought his brother Simon Peter to
become the third disciple. He alone records the winning
to discipleship of Philip and Nathanael, the transmutation
of water into wine at Cana, and Jesus' short sojourn,
with his mother, his brethren, and his disciples, in
Capernaum.

V. THE PUBLIC MINISTRY OF JESUS.

I. ^Duration. The duration of our Lord's public min-
istry cannot be accurately determined. The Gospel
narratives are apparently constructed on no chronolog-
ical plan, and the data for accurate chronology are want-
'ng. The recurrence of Passovers during the ministry
has been supposed to form a basis for determining the
number of years covered ; but much uncertainty exists
as to the number of Passovers. Supposing his public
ministry to have begun after the fifteenth year of Ti-
berius, the date given by Luke (3:1, seq.) for John's
ministry, it could not have been much earlier than the
beginning of A. D. 29. On the basis of John 2:13; 5 :
I ; 6:4; and 13 : i, rests the supposition that Jesus'
ministry lasted for three years. But the "feast of the
Jews " (ver. i) was probably not a Passover. The first
three Gospels make distinct mention of only one Pass-
over, that at the close of Jesus' ministry. It must be
left an open question whether the crucifixion occurred in
the spring of 30, or in that of 31. In the former case we
should have a ministry of one year and a part of another,
in the latter of more than two full years.

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72 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PIR.1

2. Divisions. The public career of Jesus may be
divided as follows: (i) The Early Judean Ministry, of
which John alone gives an account (2 : 13-4 : 42), and
which includes some of his most important teachings and
acts : The first cleansing of the temple, the conversation
with Nicodemus, the preaching and baptizing in Judea,
John's testimony at iCnon, and the visit to Samaria,
with the conversation with the woman at Jacob's well ;
(2) The Galilean Ministry to the Choosing of the Twelve,
recorded chiefly in the Synoptic Gospels, with a few
parallels in John ; (3) the Galilean Ministry from the
Choosing of the Twelve to the Withdrawal to Northern
Galilee ; (4) the Galilean Ministry till the Departure for
Jerusalem ; (5) the Perean Ministry on the way to Je-
rusalem ; (6) the Passion Week ; (7) the Forty Days
from the Resurrection to the Ascension.^

3. Jesus* Conception of his Ufe-lVork. As already sug-
gested, consciousness of Messiahship was present at the
baptism and became clear and definite in connection with
the temptation. The task he assumed was the estab-
lishment of the kingdom of God on earth, a kingdom
"not of this world," that ''cometh not with observa-
tion," that is *' within " believers, that is likened to " a
grain of mustard seed," which, though exceeding small,
becomes a tree, to a bit of leaven that leavens the mass of
meal, to treasure hidden in the field which should be pur-
chased at whatever cost, and to a '' pearl of great price "
for which all of one's possessions are no more than a
fair equivalent. He made it clear from the beginning
that he could not carry out the Messianic programme of
current Jewish thought. His kingdom was " to have no
officers, no headquarters, no political features, no worldly
associations.'" It was to be a spiritual kingdom, whose
membership was to consist of individuals won to belief
in his divine personality and mission, brought into loving
obedience to his will, united with him spiritually in his
plans and purposes, ready to take up their crosses and
follow him, ready to suffer obloquy, the breaking up of
all social and family ties, and death itself for his sake,
whose relationship to him he declared to be that of the

? " Hivmoiix/* ^f Stevens #n4 Bvrtoo. • Vot|w-

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CHAP. I] JESUS THE CHRIST 73

branches to the vine, and who should abide in him as he
in them. His disciples were to be '* born anew " (or "from
above''). A complete transformation of the individual
character and life was to be a condition of entrance into
his kingdom. He chose to deny himself all earthly pos-
sessions and comforts in order that he might devote him-
self unreservedly to the well-being of his fellow-men.
He required renunciation of all earthly things as a con-
dition of discipleship. Some who, imbued with Jewish
Messianic ideas, had arrayed themselves among his disci-
ples under the impression that an earthly kingdom was
to be established by the Master, forsook him when he
made known to them clearly that his religion was one of
absolute self-denial, and that it involved on his part and
on theirs boundless sufferings.

The Beatitudes set forth his ideal of life. Poverty of
spirit and material poverty even to the extent of hunger
and thirst, mourning and weeping, subjection to the ha-
tred and abuse of men, are to be regarded as blessings ;
meekness, purity in heart, peace-making, are commended ;
while woe is pronounced upon the rich, the full, the
laughing, and the popular. Self-humiliation is a condi-
tion of true exaltation, self-exaltation leads to real abase-
ment. He came not to destroy the law but to fulfill it.
Love to God, involving a spirit of absolute obedience to
his will and joyful participation in his plans and purposes,
and involving specifically love to man equal to love of
self, he represents as the sum and substance of the law.
Enemies are to be loved, not hated. Retaliation and
revenge are absolutely prohibited. To make sure of suf-
ficiently emphasizing his disapproval of revenge he com-
mands that evil be repaid with good.

Jesus represented himself as a revealer of the Father
from whom he came forth and to whom he was to return,
as ''the way, the truth, and the life," 1. e., as the way
by which sinful men may return to the Father, as the
embodiment of all truth that sinful men need to know in
order to their eternal well-being, as the life by participa-
tion in which through faith men may become sons of
God.

His life of self-denial and well-doing was to culminate
In a ^acri^ci^l death, He represents himself as a shep-

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74 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

d voluntarily laying down his life for the sheep (John
17, 18), as giving '* his life a ransom for many *' (Marie

herd

10' , _ _

10 : 45). He regarded his violent death as a fulfiliment
of Scripture and the time of it as fixed in the divine pur-
pose. On his part the sacrifice was to be a voluntary
one. He had power to lay down his life and power to
talce it again. His going away, according to the Johan-
nean representation, was a condition of the coming of the
Paraclete, who should lead his disciples into all truth, and
it would entitle them to claim in his name the exercise
of unlimited divine power on their behalf.

5. His Methods of Teaching. On a few occasions Jesus
addressed great multitudes. The Sermon on the Mount
is the most noteworthy specimen of a prolonged address
of this sort. In this remarkable discourse the ethical
element prevails. Jesus sets forth in brief, pointed, em-
phatic sayings the contrast between the type of life that
belongs to his Icingdom and that which prevailed in cur-
rent Judaism. It is a gospel not of outward observances
or of doctrinal definitions, but of the inner life. Nothing
is said about faith, repentance, atonement, or baptism,
but much about inward conformity to the law of God,
which is essentially the law of love. His shorter dis-
courses frequently assumed the form of parables, as was
very common among Oriental teachers. Private conver-
sations, as in the cases of Nicodemus and the Samaritan
woman, gave occasion for many of his most precious
utterances. To the inner circle of his disciples he was
wont to give explanations of his parabolic discourses and
to communicate his plans and purposes more clearly than
to the unreceptive multitude. Yet he had frequently to
complain bitterly of lack of understanding on the part of
those who had been so long time with him, though,
" Never man spake like this man."

6. His IVorks of Power. Nothing is more striking in
the career of Jesus than his reserve in the exercise of
divine power in the physical realm. Miracles were ex-
pected by the Jews as " signs " of Messiahship, but when
asked for from motives of curiosity or demanded in a
spirit of unbelief they were uniformly refused. Most of
his mighty works were the proper expression of his be-
nevolence, as in the restoration of their dead to bereaved

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CHAP. I.] JESUS THE CHRIST 75

relatives, the feeding of the famishing multitudes, the
casting out of demons, the healing of the sick and the
blind. They were also "symbols of his spiritual and
savmg work. . . When he healed bodily blindness it
was a type of the healing of the inner eye ; when he
raised the dead, he meant to suggest that he was the
Resurrection and the Life in the spiritual world as well ;
when he cleansed the leper, his triumph spoke of another
over the leprosy of sin." *

7. His Rejection by his People. " He came unto his own
(possessions), and his own (people) received him not."
His explanation of this rejection was that light had come
into the world and that men loved darkness rather than
light because of their evil deeds. To their unwillingness
to do God's will he attributed their unbelief in himself.
Their rejection and malicious plottings he ascribed to the
influence of the devil, whose children he declared the
unbelieving Jews to be. Like him they were liars and
enemies of the truth. They were the bond-servants of
sin, when by accepting the truth they might become free.
Though he accepted to a great extent the doctrinal teach-
ing of the Pharisees, as against those of the Sadducees,
his antagonism to a religion of outward observances, his
denunciation of current Pharisaism as hypocrisy, and his
proclamation of the doctrine that love to God and love to
man rather than ceremonial sacrifices, avoidance of things
unclean, and physical purgations, constitute true relig-
ion; and his disregard of the rules of Sabbath observ-
ance and insistence that the Sabbath was made for man
not man for the Sabbath, aroused the bitterest antag-
onism of the Pharisaic guardians of the Law and led them
to resolve on his death. The aristocratic Sadducees, in-
cluding the high priests and the political party in sym-
pathy with Roman life and rule, no doubt regarded Jesus
as a fanatic, the prevalence of whose teachings would
imperil the hierarchical system in which they were deeply
interested, and they were willing to co-operate with the
Pharisees in measures for his destruction. The Roman
officials, feeling little personal interest in Jewish religious
questions, thought it a matter of policy to gratify the in-

iSteJkw.

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76 A MAhOJAL OP CHURCH HISTORV [PER.L

fiuential parties at the expense of an obscure enthusiast,
who moreover was represented as calling himself a l<ing
and as hostile to Caesar.

A few hundred more or less closely attached followers
and a small band of devoted disciples constituted the ap-
parent result of Jesus' ministry. Few even of these
had entered fully into an understanding of his teach*
ing or into sympathy with his purposes. In Galilee,
where Pharisaism was comparatively uninfluential, he
gained considerable recognition ; in Judea, where
Pharisaism was strong, he made little impression. At
the critical moment, when confession of Jesus might
mean death, all forsook him and fled, Peter, who had
been foremost to confess his divine character and Mes-
siahship, denying him with cursing and swearing.

8. The Trial and Crucifixion. Of those who had at-
tached themselves to Jesus a large proportion were
grievously disappointed because of his failure to fulfill the
Jewish Messianic hopes. On one occasion (John 6 : 15)
an effort was made to force him to become king. Dis-
appointed in their expectations and repelled by his mys-
terious statement about the necessity of eating his flesh
and drinking his blood (John 6 : 53-58), '' many of his
disciples went back and walked no more with him " (ver.
66). On this occasion he foretold the treachery of one
of his disciples (ver. 70). At last he determined on
going to Jerusalem for the Passover, arousing the popu-
lar enthusiasm by a public proclamation of his Messiah-
ship, making a triumphal entry into the city, and suffer-
ing the death that he foresaw awaited him.

The popular enthusiasm alarmed Sadducees and Phar-
isees alike, and the two parties united in compassing his
death. An insurrection would bring upon Jewish officials
the condemnation of the Roman government. It must
be prevented by the destruction of the populai leader.
His prediction of the destruction of Jerusalem, for whose
salvation he yearned, the conspiracy between the chief
priests and Judas for his quiet arrest, the last Supper and
the designation of the traitor, the farewell discourses, the
intercessory prayer, the watching and agonizing in Geth-
semane, the betrayal and arrest in the garden, his ar-
raignment before Caiaphas, the high priest, his condemna-

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CHAP. I.] JESUS THE CHRIST JJ

tion on the ground of blasphemy because of his con-
fession of Messiahship, the mockings, scourgings, and
contemptuous treatment following the condemnation, the
shameful denial of Peter, the trial before Pilate, the
attempt of Pilate to release him, the cry of the multi-
tude, " Crucify him, crucify him," Pilate's weak yield-
ing against his own judgment to the demands of the
Jews, the crucifixion — these events followed each other
with startling rapidity, and to the terrified disciples the
cause of Jesus no doubt seemed to suffer an ignominious
collapse.

9. Ihe ^surrection and Ascension. Notwithstanding
the plainness of his predictions, the disciples seem to
have had little expectation of the resurrection of their
Master. His repeated manifestation after the resurrec-
tion, his words of counsel now wonderfully impressive,
above all the Great Commission : " All authority hath
been given unto me in heaven and on earth. Go ye,
therefore, and make disciples of all the nations, baptiz-
mg them into the name of the Father and of the Son
and of the Holy Ghost : teaching them to observe what-
soever I commanded you : and lo, I am with you alway,
even unto the end of the world " (Matt. 28 : 16-20 ; cf.
Mark 16 : 15-18), his final words showing that his death
and resurrection had been in fulfillment of Old Testa-
ment prophecy, commanding that ''repentance and re-
mission of sins should be preached in his name unto all
the nations, beginning at Jerusalem " (Luke 24 : 47), his
reminder to his disciples that they were witnesses of
these things, his bidding them tarry in the city until
they should be clothed with power from on high, his
ascension into heaven — these words and manifestations
made heroes of the timid, discouraged disciples. They
were now convinced, as they could never have been con-
vinced before his death and resurrection, of the spir-
ituality of his kingdom and the certainty of its triumph.
" They worshipped him, and returned to Jerusalem with
great joy : and were continually in the temple, blessing
God " (Luke 24 : 52, 53). The teachings of the Master,
treasured in their memory but imperfectly understood,
now became luminous and glorious. They were able
now to enter with consuming zeal upon the great task

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78 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.i

of evangelizing the world that he had marked out for
them with full assurance of ultimate triumph.

VI. SOME ESTIMATES OF THE CHARACTER AND INFLUENCE
OF JESUS.

The most important testimonies are contained in the
apostolic writings, but as these are lamiliar and will be
utilized to some extent in the next chapter, more recent
estimates will be here given :

It is generally allowed that Jesus appeared as a public man with a
mind whose ideas were completely developed and arranged, with a
character sharpened over its whole surface into perfect definlteness,
and with designs that marched forward to their ends without hesita-
tion. . . The reason of this must have been that during the thirty
years before his public ministry began his ideas, his character, and
designs went through all the stages of a thorough development. . .
For one with his powers at command, thirty years of complete reti-
cence and reserve were a long time. Nothing was greater in him
afterward than the majestic reserve in both speech and action that
characterized him.^

Referring to the Messianic prophecy in Isa. 42 : 1-4
represented as fulfilled in Jesus (Matt. 12 : 18-21) Bruce
remarks :

No other type of Messiah could have any attractions for him : not
the political Messiah of the Zealots, whose one desire was natonal
independence ; not the Messiah of common expectation, who should
flatter popular prejudices and make himself an idol by becoming a
slave ; not the Messiah of the Pharisees, himself a Pharisee, regard-
ing it as his vocation to deliver Israel from pagan impurity ; not
even the austere Messiah of the Baptist, who was to separate the
good from the evil by a process of judicial severity, and so usher in
a kingdom of righteousness. The Messiah devoutly to be longed
for, and cordially to be welcomed when he came, in his view was
one who should conquer by the might of love and truth ; who should
meet the deepest wants of man, not merely gratify the wishes of the
Jews, and prove a Saviour to the whole worid ; who should be con*
spicuous by patience and hopefulness, rather than by inexorable
sternness,— a humane, universal, spiritual Messiah, answering to a
divine kingdom of kindred character,— the desire of all nations, the
fulfillment of humanity's deepest longings, therefore not destined to
be superseded, but to remain an Eternal Christ, the same yesterday,
to-day, and forever.

The teacher made the truth he taught. His teaching was his
articulated person, his person his Incorporated teaching. The divin«

> Stelkv

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CHAP.L JESUS THE CHRIST 79

ty the one expressed, the other embodied. He came to found a
kingdom by manifesting his kinghood, by declaring himself a king.
The King was the center rouna which the kingdom crystallized.
His first words announced its advent ; his last affirmed its reality,
though a reality too sublimely ideal to be intelligible to the man of
the world.^

His teaching . . . from the very first has for its background a
unique self-consciousness, the incomparable significance of his per-
son, and from the beginning was directed toward something that
must bt more than teaching, that must be work and deed, viz., the
founding of God's kingdom. And this founding was finally accom-
plished, not by his teaching as such, but by his personal devotion to
and completion of his life-work, by his death ana resurrection. Does
his teaching thereby lose its original fundamental significance, and
sink down to a mere introduction to New Testament revelation ? It
must be said that little as the teaching of Jesus in itself, apart from
the conclusion of his life, could have called into existence the king-
dom of God, as little could that ending of his life have called it into
being without the foregoing doctrinal revelation.'

The glad tidings which Jesus proclaimed were tidings of the
kingdom of God. In delivering this message he, on the one hand,
proclaimed the fact that the kingdom was beginning to be set up;
and on the other hand he announced the requirements to be fulfilled
in view of that fact. The whole contents of the teaching of Jesus
can be classed under this general theme, and the two points of
view from which he expounaed it. His preaching in regard to the
kingdom of God contained partly instruction as to the existence of
the kingdom, its nature, its realization, and development ; and partly
exhortations to the fulfillment of the conditions of membership. . .
His object was to establish that kingdom practically among his
hearers ; and therefore he continually aimed at inciting them to be-
come members of It.*

No life ends even for this world when the body by which it has
for a little been made visible disappears from the face of the earth.
It enters the stream of the ever-swelling life of mankind, and con-
tinues to act there with its whole force for evermore. Indeed, the
true magnitude of a human being can often only be measured by
what tiiis after life shows him to have been. So it was with Christ
The modest narrative of the Gospels scarcely prepares us for the out-
burst of creative force which issued from his fife when it appeared to
have ended. His influence on the modem world is the evidence of
how great he was ; for there must have been in the cause as much
as there is in the effect. It has overspread the life of man and caused
it to blossom with the vigor of a spiritual spring. It has absorbed
^to itself all other influences, as a mighty river, pouring along the
center of a continent, receives tributaries from a hundred nills. And
its quallhr has been even more exceptional than its quantity. The
life of Cnrist in history cannot cease. His influence waxes more and
more ; the dead nations are waiting till it reaches them, and it is the
hope of the earnest spirits that are bringing in the new earth. AH

» FaMMlni. « B«yfClitaf . Wtndt

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discoveries of the modem worid, every development of juster ideas,
of higher powers, of more exquisite feelings In manlcind, are only
new helps to inteipret him : ana the lifting up of life to the level of
his ideas and character is the programme of me human race.^

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CHAPTER II
THE APOSTLES

LITERATURE: The Acts of the AposUes, the apostolic Epistles*
and the Apocalypse contain nearly all the authentic materials. See
also Josephus, "Jewish War/' ** Against Apion," and "Auto-
biography"; Neander, "Planting and Training of the Christian
Church "^: Dollinger, " First Age of Christianity and the Church " ;
Schurer, *' History of the Jewish People in the Time of Christ" ;
Hausrath, "History of New Testament Times"; Baur, "Church
History of the First Three Centuries " : Keim, " Rom u. d. Chrisim-
tkum'^^i Ewald, " History of Israel," Vol. VII ; Weizsacker, " The
Apostolic Age of the Christian Church"; McGiffert, " The Apos-
tolic Age"; Ramsay, "The Church in the Roman Empire bdFore
A. D. 170," and "St. Paul, the Traveler and Roman Citizen";
Hamack, " G^sch. d. MUhristlichm Uhirahtr his EusOms^" esp. part
II., "Dtf Chrouol^^* \ works on New Testament Introduction
and the Bibikal Theology of the New Testament as in Chap. I.;
works on the Life of Paul, by Conybeare and Howson. Farrar,
Geikie, Sabatier. Stalker, and Baur; Vedder, "The Dawn of
Christianihr" ; Wallace, " Labors and Letters of the Apostles" ;
Pfleiderer, ^' PauUnism " ; Bruce, " St. Paul's Conception of Christi-
anity " ; Stevens, " The Pauline Theology," and '^The Johannine
Theology "; Schiller, " dsch. d, ram. KaissrttH untsr d. RigUrung d.
Nsro"i Addis, "Christianity and the Roman Empire" : Uhlhom,
"Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism," and '^Christian
Charityr in the Ancient Church " ; Lightfoot, " Dissertations on the
Apostolic Age " ; Farrar, " The Eariy Davs of Christianity " ; and
Arnold, " Dit turomsclu ChrisUmirfolgmg,

I. THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH TO THE CONVERSION OF SAUL.

I. The Pentecostal Baptism. The risen Lord had charged
his disciples '* not to depart from Jerusalem, but to wait
for the promise of the Father, which, said he, ye heard
from me : for John indeed baptized with water ; but ye
shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost not many days
hence " (Acts i : 4, 5). They seem not yet to have given
up their Jewish Messianic hopes.- Before the Lord's
ascension they had asked him whether he was about to
•' restore the kingdom to Israel '' (Acts i : 6). He replied
that it was not for them "to know times or seasons,
which the Father hath set within his own authority."

F Si

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But he assured them that they should receive power
when the Holy Ghost should come upon them, and that
they should be his "witnesses both in Jerusalem, and in
all Judea, and unto the uttermost parts of the earth."
After the ascension, as they were standing in a dazed
condition '* looking stedfastly into heaven, two men stood
by them in white apparel,*' and assured them that this
Jesus, which was received up from them into heaven,
should so come in like manner as they beheld him going
into heaven. Returning to their lodgings in Jerusalem,
profoundly impressed by what they had seen and heard,
the eleven " with the women, and Mary the mother of
Jesus, and with his brethren, with one accord, continued
stedfastly in prayer." During these days of prayerful
waiting, Peter called attention to the breach in the ranks
of the Twelve caused by the treachery of Judas, and
Matthias was appointed by lot to fill it.

On the day of Pentecost (fifty days after the Pass-
over), when Jews and proselytes ''from every nation
under heaven " had gathered in Jerusalem, the dis-
ciples "were all together in one place. And suddenly
there came from heaven a sound as of the rushing of a
mighty wind, and it filled all the house where they were
sitting. And there appeared unto them tongues parting
asunder, like as of fire ; and it sat upon each one of them.
And they were all filled with the Holy Spirit, and began
to speak with other tongues, as the Spirit gave them ut-
terance." The gathered multitude of Jews and proselytes
were drawn together by the noise and "were confounded
because that every one heard them speaking in his own
language." Some were amazed, thinking a great miracle
was being wrought, while others attributed the phenom-
ena to drunkenness on the part of the disciples. Peter re-
pudiated the charge of drunkenness and showed that the
marvelous phenomena were the fulfillment of a prophecy
of Joel. He took occasion to make an impassioned ad-
dress on "Jesus of Nazareth, a man approved of God
... by mighty works and wonders and signs," as his
hearers themselves knew. He dwelt upon the fact that
he had been crucified and slain "by the hand of lawless
men," having been "delivered up by the determinate
counsel and foreknowledge of God," and upon the fact

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CHAP.IL] THE APOSTLES 83

that "God raised him up, having loosed the pangs of
death." Of the resurrection he said, "we all are wit-
nesses." He attributed the wonderful phenomena that
had brought the people together to the agency of Christ
in his exaltation at the right hand of God. He declared
to the house of Israel : " God hath made him both Lord
and Christ, this Jesus whom ye crucified." The awak-
ened multitude asked what they should do. Peter ex-
horted them to " repent " and " be baptized in the name
of Jesus Christ unto the remission of" their "sins."
About three thousand heeded the exhortation and were
baptized that day. "And they continued steadfastly in
the apostles' teaching and fellowship, in the breaking of
bread and the prayers " (Acts 2).

2. The Jerusalem Church. The original disciples, with
their multitude of enthusiastic converts baptized upon a
profession of their faith, may be said to have constituted
the first Christian church. Our Lord himself seems to
have organized no local communities of believers. He
preached in the synagogues and in the temple and had
his inner and outer circles of baptized disciples, and these
as a whole may, without impropriety, be designated as
the pre-pentecostal church. But the churches, as organ-
ized bodies, are an apostolic institution. Even after
Pentecost the great body of believers in Jerusalem had
for some time very little organization.

It is related that " fear came upon every soul and many
wonders and signs were done by the apostles." This
would indicate the prevalence of intense religious excite-
ment and expectancy. These believers had not yet ad-
justed themselves to their new relations and were doubt-
less uncertain whether it was the will of the Lord that
they should continue to live in the world and to occupy
themselves with secular concerns. "And all that be-
lieved were together, and had ail things common ; and
they sold their possessions and goods, and parted them
to all, according as any man had need. And day by day,
continuing stedfastly with one accord in the temple, and
breaking bread at home, they did take their food with
gladness and singleness of heart, praising God, and hav-
ing favor with all the people. And the Lord added to
them day by day those that were being saved." This

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disregard of secular interests beautiful in itself and highly
appropriate at the time could only be temporary in that
or any other community. The common supply of the
necessaries of life would soon be exhausted and the
entire body would be reduced to dependence on miracles
or on chanty.

The healing of a lame man by Peter and John at the
door of the temple brought together a crowd of people to
whom Peter preached Jesus as the crucified, risen, and
glorified Servant, as the Prince of life, as the Holy and
Righteous One, whose sufferings had been foretold by the
prophets and "whom the heaven must receive until the
times of restoration of all things." The concourse of
the people and Peter's enthusiastic preaching alarmed
the " priests and the captain of the temple and the Sad-
ducees," who arrested Peter and John. Their boldness
and the certainty that a miracle had been performed so
impressed the authorities that the apostles were released.
The number of believers had by this time increased to
five thousand (Acts 4 : 4).

It is remarkable that in the preaching of this time great
stress is laid on the fulfillment of prophecy in the death
and resurrection of Jesus ; and yet the Jews are made to
feel the guilt of his crucifixion.

The liberation of the apostles was an occasion of
thanksgiving and praise on the part of the brethren. It
is reported (Acts 4: 31) that "the place was shaken
wherein they were gathered together ; and they were all
filled with the Holy Ghost, and they spake the word of
God with boldness. And the multitude of them that be-
lieved were of one heart and soul : and not one of them
said that aught of the things which he possessed was his
own ; but they had all things common ... for as many
as were possessors of lands or houses sold them, and
brought the prices of the things that were sold, and laid
them at the apostles' feet : and distribution was made
unto each, according as any one had need."

The deception of Ananias and Sapphira and their sud-
den death under Peter's censure, and many other " signs
and wonders wrought among the people '^ (Acts 5 : 12),
caused "multitudes both of men and women" to be
added to the Christians. Peter's credit increased to

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CHAP.IL] THE APOSTLES 8$

such an extent that the people brought their sick into
the streets that his shadow might fall on them, and multi-
tudes of sick were brought from the cities round about to
be healed by him. Again the Sadducaic authorities threw
the apostles into prison, but an angel of the Lord opened
the prison door and bade them preach in the temple to
the people. Arraigned again and bidden to desist from
preaching, they declared that they must obey God rather
than men. Warned by Gamaliel as to the futility of vio-
lent interference with enthusiasts, the authorities beat
them and let them go, charging them '' not to speak in
the name of Jesus."

The presence in the city of more than five thousand
believers, many of whom were dependent on the chari-
ties daily distributed, rendered the problem of equitable
distribution a very serious one. The apostles, occupied
much in the ministry of the word, in response to com-
plaints of neglect on the part of the Hellenistic Jews,
asked the brethren to select from their number " seven
men of good report, full of the Spirit and of wisdom,''
whom they might " appoint over this business/' The
choosing of Stephen and six others by the brethren and
their appointment by the apostles with prayer and the
laying-on of hands constituted these the first officials,
apart from the apostles, in the infant church. It is in-
teresting to note that these servers of tables were in-
troduced in response to a deeply felt practical need
and not as part of a deliberately planned system of
church order.

Following the introduction of this division of labor in
the Jerusalem church we are informed that '* the word of
God increased ; and the number of the disciples multiplied
in Jerusalem exceedingly ; and a great company of the
priests were obedient to the faith." This continued
multiplication must have brought the numbers far above
five thousand, the last numerical estimate given. Noth-
ing is known of the subsequent career of the ** great
company " of converted priests.

Stephen proved to be not only a server of tables but
a minister of the word as well. ''Full of grace and
power," he ''wrought great wonders and signs among
the people." The discomfiture of certain Hellenistic

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86 A Manual OF church history [per.l

Jews who tried to argue with Stephen led them to
accuse him of blasphemy against Moses and against God.
Arraigned before the Jewish authorities on this charge,
he gave utterance to the inspired discourse recorded in
Acts 7, in which he showed that Jesus is the proper com-
plement of Hebrew history and the true fulfillment of
Hebrew prophecy, and ended with a stern denunciation
of the Jews before him as '* stiff-necked and uncircum-
cised in heart and ears " and as '* betrayers and murder-
ers " of "the Righteous One" foretold by the prophets
whom their fathers had persecuted. Enraged by his
denunciations, they refused to hear more, but " rushed
upon him with one accord ; and they cast him out of the
city, and stoned him, who, having had a vision of the
opened heavens," with ''the glory of God and the Son
of man standing on the right hand of God," committing
his spirit to the Lord Jesus, prayed that the sin of his
murder might not be laid to the charge of his murderers,
and "fell asleep."

It is related that "the witnesses" against Stephen
" laid down their garments at the feet of a young man
named Saul," and that "Saul was consenting unto his
death."

The martyrdom of Stephen is significant for the fol-
lowing reasons : First, because it was the first Christian
martyrdom ; secondU^, because it introduced a general
persecution of the Christians in Jerusalem and led to
their dispersion and to the wide dissemination of Chris-
tian truth ; and thirdly, because it launched upon his
persecuting career Saul of Tarsus, there having already
been planted in his mind and heart seeds of truth that
would afterward spring up and bear fruit.

The solemn burial of Stephen by his devout brethren
is followed immediately in the narrative by a record of
Saul's persecuting work : " But Saul laid waste the
church, entering into every house, and haling men and
women committed them to prison."

" They that were scattered abroad," we are informed,
"went about preaching the word." Philip, another of
the seven servers of tables, was among the first to enter
upon evangelistic labor outside the city. Shortly after
the outbreak of persecution he " went down to the city

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CHAP. 11.] THE APOSTLES 87

of Samaria and proclaimed unto them the Christ." His
preaching and his healing of the sick aroused profound
interest, and the consideration thus gained by the evan-
gelist caused a certain magician named Simon to covet
the power of the Spirit and to submit to baptism in order
that he might gain it. When the news of the reception
of the gospel by the Samaritans reached the apostles in
Jerusalem they sent Peter and John to look after the
new believers. Philip had baptized them *' into the
name of the Lord Jesus." The apostles prayed for them,
that they might receive the Holy Ghost, and as ''they
laid their hands upon them " they received this special
enduement. Simon Magus sought to purchase the power
of communicating the Holy Spirit, and received the
scathing rebuke of Peter. The name of Simon figures
prominently in the pseudonymous works of the second
and third centuries as one of the most corrupt of the
Gnostic leaders and as a malignant opponent of Peter
and of orthodox Christianity. The villages of Samaria
were also evangelized at this time.

Under divine impulse Philip journeyed "toward the
south unto the way that goeth down from Jerusalem
unto Gaza." There he met an official "of Candace,
queen of the Ethiopians, who was over all her treasure,
who had come to Jerusalem for to worship." Prompted
by the Spirit, Philip joined himself to the eunuch's
chariot and hearing him reading from Isa. 53, without
any proper understanding of its meaning, " beginning
from this Scripture, preached unto him Jesus." Con-
vinced that Jesus is the Christ and that it was his duty
as a believer to enter into the fellowship of believers
and to assume the obligations and responsibilities of dis-
cipleship, he desired to receive Christian baptism. Call-
ing the attention of the evangelist to "a certain water "
to which they had come, he asked to be baptized. It is
related (Acts 8 : 38, 39) that "they both went down
into the water, both Philip and the eunuch ; and he bap-
tized him. And when they came up out of the water,
the Spirit of the Lord caught away Philip." The eunuch
"went on his way rejoicing." Philip "was found at
Azotus : and passing through preached the gospel to all
the cities, till he came to C»sare»/'

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88 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I.

II. FROM THE CONVERSION OF SAUL TO THE JERUSALEM
CONFERENCE (k. D. 31-46 or 35-49)-

I. The Conversion of Saul. " Not content with laying
waste the church in Jerusalem, Saul of Tarsus, the edu-
cated Pharisee who had sat at the feet of Gamaliel, and
who had received a regular Greek education as well, still
''breathing out threatening and slaughter against the
disciples of the Lord, went unto the high priest and
asked of him letters to Damascus unto the synagogues,
that if he found any that were of the way, whether men
or women, he might bring them bound unto Jerusalem."
In seeking to exterminate the religion of Christ he
thought he was rendering service to God ; for he was no
doubt fully persuaded that its prevalence would mean
the subversion of the Law, whose preservation and ob-
servance he regarded as supremely important. A man
of his intelligence must have learned much of the new
religion. Stephen's eloquent discourse may have im-
pressed him ; but it had the immediate effect of infuriat-
ing him against the innovators, and may have led to a
resolution to devote his life to destroying them. We have
several varying accounts, all emanating from himself, of
his sudden conversion on the road to Damascus (Acts
9, 22, 25). The shining from heaven of a great light,
the voice saying, **Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou
me ? " his answer, '* Who art thou. Lord ? " the answer,
*' I am Jesus of Nazareth, whom thou persecutest," his
inquiry what he should do and the Lord's directions, his
blindness, his healing and baptism by Ananias of Da-
mascus, the commission given him by the Lord as a
" minister and witness," with the promise of Divine
protection and support, are the chief items of the narra-
tives. That he regarded the change wrought in him as
sudden, and as the direct result of special Divine inter-
vention, admits of no doubt. Almost immediately he
began to proclaim Jesus in the synagogues as the Son of
God, to the amazement of believers who had known him
as a persecutor. '' But Saul increased the more in
strength, and confounded the Jews which dwelt at Da-
mascus, proving that this is the Christ " (Acts 9 : 22).
The Jews plotted to kill him, but he escaped through the
good offices of the disciples, and returned to Jerusalem.

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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES 89

There the brethren were at first afraid of him, but
" Barnabas took him and brought him to the apostles/'
and by narrating the facts of his conversion won their
confidence. After preaching in Jerusalem for some time
and disputing with the Hellenistic Jews, his life was
again in danger, and he was sent by the brethren to
Tarsus by way of Caesarea.

From the Epistle to the Galatians we learn that before
his first visit to Jerusalem as a Christian he had gone
away into Arabia, and had again returned to Damascus.
The stay in Arabia and the second sojourn in Damascus
probably occupied more than a year, and the first visit
to Jerusalem probably occurred in A. D. 33 or 35.^

2, Peter's Early Ministry. After the outburst of per-
secuting fury that followed the martyrdom of Stephen,
we are informed that "the church throughout all Judea
and Galilee and Samaria had peace, being builded up ; and
walking in the fear of the Lord and in the comfort of the
Holy Ghost, was multiplied/' It is noticeable that the
church is still spoken of as a unity though its member-
ship was scattered over several provinces, Peter's min-
istry and works of healing at Lydda and at Joppa, the
two-fold vision by which Cornelius, a God-fearing cen-
turion, was directed to send for Peter, and by which
Peter was directed to put aside his Judaizing scruples,
and to minister to the centurion at Caesarea, is remark-
able as having opened Peter's eyes to the fact "that
God is no respecter of persons : but in every nation he
that feareth him, and worketh righteousness, is accept-
able to him," and as leading to the first baptism of a
Gentile into the Christian fellowship. Peter's Judaizing
disposition was to reassert itself, and the brethren at
Jerusalem were still to be fully convinced by Paul of the
universality of the gospel provision. Peter found some
difficulty in justifying his course at Caesarea to the apos-
tles and brethren in Judea ; but when the manifest Di-
vine leading in the matter was made known to them they
glorified God.

3. Evangelisation in Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch.
Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch were also evangelized as

^ Raasay dates this visit A. D. 37. In Accordance with his view that Paul's con-
wstoa occwrad la a. o. js- Hamack and McGiffert support tha aarllar dates.

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go A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

a result of the scattering of the brethren occasioned by
"the tribulation that arose about Stephen," and "a
great number " are said to have ** believed." Barnabas
was sent to Antioch to carry forward the good work, and
'* much people was added unto the Lord." Feeling the
need of such help, he ** went forth to Tarsus to seek for
Saul." Both Barnabas and Saul labored a whole year in
this great center. They gathered a church, ** taught
much people," and here "the disciples were first called
Christians " (Acts ii : 26). There being a famine in Ju-
dea the disciples at Antioch, " each man according to his
ability," determined to send relief to their suffering b. eth-
ren. Barnabas and Saul were the agents of their benefi-
cence. The brethren in Judea were suffering at this
time from persecution at the hands of Herod as well as
from famine. The execution of James the brother of
John, and the imprisonment of Peter, who was delivered
by angelic ministry, are among the features recorded.
After narrating the smiting to death of Herod by the
Lord, it is said : " But the word of the Lord grew and
multiplied."

Antioch henceforth figures as a great Christian center,
side by side with Jerusalem. A church is now spoken
of as being there, and among the " prophets and teach-
ers " were " Barnabas, Symeon that was called Niger,
and Lucius of Cyrene, and Manaen the foster-brother of
Herod the tetrarch, and Saul." Under the direction of
the Holy Spirit, Barnabas and Saul were separated for
missionary work and were sent forth whithersoever the
Spirit might lead. From the record it would seem that
they were designated and sent forth by the "prophets
and teachers " whose names have been given, and who
are said to have been ministering and fasting when the
Divine will was revealed to them ; but if this were so,
the transaction no doubt had the approval of the entire
body of believers.

The death of Herod Agrippa. referred to above, occurred in 44.
The first missionary journey of Saul and Barnabas may have begun
during the same year. It may be observed that the record of the
labors of the apostles during the years 34-44 is exceedingly meagre.
It is probable that Paul spent at least ten years in evangelistic work
in Syria and Cilicla. It is not at all likely that he and his com-

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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES QI

panions confined themselves closely to Antioch, but their labors
were no doubt abundant and widespread. Nothing further is related
of Peter and the other apostles until the conference at Jerusalem.

4. The First Missionary Journey of Paul and Barnabas.
It is noteworthy that the Saul designated as a missionary
now becomes Paul in the narrative. This change of
name has by some writers been connected with the con-
version of the pro-consul Sergius Paulus, on the island of
Cyprus, near the beginning of the journey. The better
view seems to be that Paul was already his name as a
Roman citizen, and that in his missionary work among the
Gentiles he preferred this to his Hebrew name. Sailing
from Cyprus they landed at Perga, in Pamphylia, some
miles from the mouth of the river Cestrus. Thence
they journeyed to Antioch in Pisidia, where they visited
the synagogue, and on the invitation of the rulers of the
synagogue Paul preached with such effect, that *' the
next Sabbath almost the whole city was gathered together
to hear the word of God." The gathering of the mul-
titude aroused the animosity of the Jews, whose blas-
phemous opposition led the missionaries to turn their
attention definitely to the Gentiles, who glorified God
that the gospel was for them also; and **as many as
were ordained to eternal life believed.'

Driven from Antioch by Jewish persecution, they jour-
neyed to Iconium, leaving behind them a body of disci-
ples "filled with joy and with the Holy Ghost." Here
they preached in the synagogue and "a great multitude
both of Jews and of Greeks believed." Here Jewish
and Gentile opposition was encountered and the mission-
aries "fled into the cities of Lycaonia, Lystra, and
Derbe, and the region round about: and there they
preached the gospel " (Acts 14 : 6, 7).

At Lystra, because of the healing of a cripple, the
people sought to worship Paul and Barnabas as gods.
But they were followed hither by hostile Jews from An-,
tioch and Iconium, a mob was raised against them, and
Paul was stoned.

At Derbe they " made many disciples." Then they
returning passed through Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch,
"confirming the souls of the disciples, exhorting them
to continue in the faith," warning them of the tribula-

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92 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I.

tions that awaited them, " and when they had appointed
for them elders in every church and had prayed with
fasting, they commended them unto the Lord, on whom
they had believed."

On the return journey they preached in Perga, which
for some reason they had omitted to do at the beginning
of the tour. Thence they returned to Antioch, where
they submitted a report of successful work among the
Gentiles and remained for a considerable time (Acts 14 ;
27, 28).

It is to be remarked that Paul and Barnabas organized the believ-
ers in the various towns into churches and appointed elders to look
after the spiritual interests of each body. Nothing is said about
deacons as officials in these churches. The organization effected
was of the simplest kind, elders, after the example of the Jewish
synagogues, having been appointed for the direction of Christian
life and work. That they should have been appointed by the mis-
sionaries and not by the believers themselves was due, no doubt, to
the inexperience of these recent believers and their desire that those
who had led them to a knowledge of the truth should direct them in
the matter of organization. No doubt the apostles appointed those
in each case who were known to have the confidence of their breth-
ren, and in ail probability the appointments were formally made
after full consultation with the churches.

III. FROM THE JERUSALEM CONFERENCE TO THE NERONIAN
PERSECUTION (A. D. 47 or 49-64).

From this time onward Paul is the great central figure
in the history of the apostolic churches, the Acts of the
Apostles being henceforth devoted almost exclusively to
the narration of his labors, while the labors of the rest of
the apostles are almost wholly lost sight of.

I. The Conference at Jerusalem. Either during the ab-
sence of Paul and Barnabas in Asia Minor, or shortly
after their return, *' certain men came down from Judea
and taught the brethren, saying, Except ye be circum-
cised after the custom of Moses, ye cannot be saved.'*

This caused not a little disturbance in the church, and
to allay strife it was determined that " Paul and Barna-
bas, and certain other of them, should go up to Jerusalem
unto the apostles and elders about this question." They
utilized their journey for declaring to the brethren of
Phoenicia and Samaria the joyful tidings of the conver-
sion of the Gentiles.

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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES 95

On their arrival in Jerusalem '* they were received
of the church and the apostles and elders, and they
rehearsed all things that God had done with them/'
Certain Pharisaic believers insisted that these Gentile
converts must be circumcised and charged to keep the
law of Moses. Peter spoke the decisive word, referring
to his own inauguration of Gentile evangelization ''a
good while ago," and to the fact that Gentile believers
had received the Holy Ghost as well as others, and
claiming that God made no distinction between them and
Jews, He deprecated the thought of putting a yoke
upon these brethren. Jews and Gentiles alike are saved
through the grace of the Lord Jesus.

Barnabas and Paul then rehearsed *' what signs and
wonders the Lord had wrought among the Gentiles by
them.'' James, who is commonly regarded as the most
Judaizing of the apostles, gave it as his judgment *' that
we trouble not them which from among the Gentiles
turn to God, but that we write unto them to abstain
from the pollutions of idols, and from fornication, and
from what is strangled, and from blood." This state-
ment of the case was adopted.

'* Then it seemed good to the apostles and the elders,
with the whole church, to choose men out of their com-
pany and send them to Antioch with Paul and Barna-
bas." A letter was drafted containing a rebuke to those
who had troubled the Antiochian brethren with words,
subverting their souls, recognizing the work of Paul and
Barnabas, ** men that have hazarded their lives for the
name of our Lord Jesus Christ," mentioning the appoint-
ment of Judas and Silas to tell them ''the same things
by word of mouth," and enumerating the requirements
to be made of Gentile believers as formulated by James,
The decision of the brethren in conference and the visit
of Silas and Judas brought about a good understanding
between these two primitive churches. Paul and Bar-
nabas remained for a short time in Antioch, " teaching
and preaching the word of the Lord, with many others
also.^'

The conference In Jerusalem is from a historical point of view
highly Important. It shows us in Jerusalem an organized church,
with apostles, elders, and brethren, who act conjointly. So far as

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94 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.l

appears, the apostles expressed the opinions that prevailed and the
eiders and brethren assented ; but it is probable that all alike were
free to express themselves and that the opinion of an unofficial mem-
ber would have received all the consideration to which it was enti-
tled. We have here an example of inter-congregational intercourse,
delegated members of the Antiochian church going to Jerusalem and
conferring with the church there, the Jerusalem church in turn ap* *
pointing representatives to visit the Antiochian church and to ex'
plain more fully, if needi>e, the position of the mother church.
Above all, it settled definitely the ri^ht of Gentiles to become Chris-
tians without passing through Judaism.

For some reason not easily explained, the writer of
Acts omits an interesting episode in the history of the
relations of the churches of Jerusalem and Antioch. This
deficiency is supplied by Paul in Gal. 2:11, seq.^ who
also describes the Jerusalem conference more briefly and
from a somewhat different point of view (Gal. 2 : i-io).
According to Paul's account, Cephas (Peter) came to
Antioch probably some time after the return of Paul and
Barnabas with Silas and Judas, and at first ate with the
Gentile Christians, but when remonstrated with by cer-
tain emissaries of James, ** he drew back and separated
himself, fearing them that were of the circumcision.
And the rest of the Jews dissembled likewise with him ;
insomuch that even Barnabas was carried away with
their dissimulation." Paul felt obliged to administer a
scathing rebuke to his Judaizing brethren and to set forth
in vigorous language the equality, nay, the superiority of
Gentile to Jewish Christians. On this occasion he
seems to have stated in the clearest manner the doctrine
of justification by faith as against the doctrine of justifi-
cation by the works of the law.

It is evident that a new phase of the Gentile question was intro-
duced at this time. Even James had agreed to recognize Gentile
Christians on condition that they abstain from certain heathen
practices, most of them fundamentally Immoral ; but it seems to
nave been tacitly understood at the Jerusalem conference that Jew-
ish Christians should continue to observe the Law. Peter himself
was led by his enthusiasm so far to violate the Jewish ceremonial
law as to eat with Gentile Christians ; but his Jewish prejudices
were still strong and he was not ready to break with James, who
insisted on the ngorous observance of the Law by Christian Jews.

Paul's uncompromising attitude and stern words of
rebuke must have intensified the opposition of the ex-

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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES 95

treme Judaizers and have been irritating even to Peter
and Barnabas. Zealous propagandists of the extreme
Judaizing position visited the communities in Asia Minor
(and no doubt in Cyprus and Phoenicia) that had been
evangelized by Paul and Barnabas, denounced Paul as a
pretended apostle, and insisted that to be a Christian
one must first become a Jew by submitting to circum-
cision and observing the Jewish cerenionial law.

The Epistle to the Galatians, the aim of which was to
counteract this pernicious teaching and to vindicate the
writer's character as a divinely chosen apostle of Jesus
Christ, was probably written some time after Paul's
encounter with Peter and soon after the beginning of
the Judaizing propaganda that followed. Objection to
the early date on the ground of the intimation in the
Epistle that the writer had visited the Galatians more
than once (4 : 13), is met by the fact that on the return
journey he revisited the communities that had previously
been evangelized. The fact that he communicates to
the Galatians, as fresh information, the discussions at
Jerusalem and Antioch respecting the status of Gentile
Christians, bears strongly against the supposition that
the Epistle was written after the second missionary jour-
ney, in connection with which he could hardly have
failed to communicate to them the decisions reached.
That the work of the perverters had followed closely
upon the conversion of the Galatians through his labors
is evident from i : 6.

A recent writer, who has devoted years to geographical and archse-
ologlcal research in Asia Minor with special reference to apostolic
history, ^ has made it dear that the term Galatia in the apostolic
times included not only Galatia proper, but Pisidia, South Pnrygia,
and Isauria as well. The Galatians addressed in the Epistle would
accordingly be the Christians in Antioch of Pisidia, Iconium, Lyca-
onia, Lystra» and E)ert>e, the fruits of the first missionary journey of
Paul and Barnabas.

The Epistle was probably written at Antioch shortly be-
fore Paul started on his second missionary journey, about
A. D. 46 or 47. The chief objection urged against this
early date is the elaborateness of the doctrinal system of

1 Ramsay* " The Church In th« Ronan Empire/' 189a.

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96 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

the Epistle as compared with that of the Epistles to the
Corinthians, and to the Thessalonians written during the
second missionary journey. The similarity of its teach-
ings to those of the Epistle to the Romans has inclined
critics to place the time of its composition some years
later. But it is scarcely to be supposed that the apostle
after more than fifteen years of profound occupation
with the Christian religion had not yet matured his sys-
tem. Difference of circumstances in the communities
addressed accounts sufficiently for the differences of doc-
trinal presentation. In this Epistle the apostle had to
meet the arguments of determined and unscrupulous
Judaizers, and nothing was more natural than that he
should set forth clearly and strongly the doctrine of jus-
tification by faith without the works of the law.

2. Paul's Second Missionary Journey (A. D. 46 or 47*49
or 50). Not very long after the Jerusalem conference
Paul suggested to Barnabas that they two should revisit
the brethren in the cities where they had preached.
'' Barnabas was minded to take with them John also,
who was called Mark.'* Paul objected, on the ground
that on the previous tour Mark had left the party at
Perga without a satisfactory reason. '* Barnabas took
Mark with him and sailed away unto Cyprus ; but Paul
chose Silas . . . and went through Syria and Cilicia,
confirming the churches." What resulted from the
journey of Barnabas and Mark we are not informed.
Among the incidents of Paul's journey were the revisiting
of Derbe and Lystra, the choice of young Timothy as a
fellow-laborer, the circumcision of Timothy, whose father
was a Greek, " because of the Jews that were in those
parts " (Acts 16 : 3), the Divine prohibition to labor in
Asia and Bithynia, and the Macedonian appeal in a vision,
to which the apostle readily responded.

Philippi was the first Macedonian city to be evangel-
ized. The conversion and baptism of Lydia and her
household, the expulsion of the spirit of divination from
a Pythoness which led to the beating and imprisonment
of Paul and Silas, the opening of the prison doors by an
earthquake, the conversion and baptism of the jailer and
his family, the fear of the magistrates and their desire to re-
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chap.1l] the apostles 97

Paul proclaimed himself a Roman citizen and demanded
fo be vindicated publicly, are the events recorded. At
the request of the magistrates they departed after meet-
ing with the brethren and comforting them.

The relations of Paul to the Philippian church were
peculiarly tender. About ten years after the founding of
the church, when he was in bonds in Rome, he wrote the
church one of the most beautiful of all his letters, on the
occasion of their ministering to his needs. It is a per-
sonal letter and is not doctrinal in intention; but it Is
rich in doctrine as well as in practical exhortation. That
the organization of the church had been completed by
this time is evident from the fact that he addresses the
body of believers " with the bishops and deacons." Here
in this Gentile church we have a plurality of bishops or
overseers, but no " presbyters."

At Thessalonica Paul preached in the synagogue and
some Jews believed, *'and of the devout Greeks (pros-
elytes) a great multitude, and of the chief women not a
few " (Acts 17 : 4).

Luke gives us a very meagre account of Paul's work
in Thessalonica. The apostle supplies further informa-
tion in the Epistles to the church written about 48 or 49,
during his residence at Corinth. After commending their
** work of faith and labor of love and patience of hope,"
their exemplary Christian conduct, and their wholesome
influence on other communities, and reminding them of
his own zealous, loving, and self-sacrificing labors on their
behalf and of his holy, righteous, and unblamable de-
meanor among them, he refers to his desire to revisit
them that had been thwarted by Satan and his sending
of Timothy to minister to them while he waited alone at
Athens, and concludes with a series of exhortations, sug-
gested no doubt by what Timothy had reported regarding
their estate. No doubt there was special occasion for the
exhortation to "abstain from fornication," to "study to
be quiet," to attend to their secular affairs, laboring with
their hands. His eschatological instructions probably
grew out of what he had heard regarding their disturb-
ance of mind concerning such matters.

Both Epistles are addressed to the church by Paul and Silvanus
and Timothy. The second deals especially with the ** coming of our

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98 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. L

Lord Jesus, and our gathering together unto him." The Thessalo*
nians had been led by a misunderstanding of the apostle's teachine^
or through some other influence to regard this coming as ** present?'
He warns them against this error, that was doubtless producing an
unwholesome condition in the church, and points out to tiiem, in ob-
scure and mysterious language which they probably understood,
that certain great events must precede the parousia of the Lord. Here
also attention is called to a disposition, doubtless connected with the
expectation of the immediate coming of the Lord, to ne^i^t neces-
sary secular labor. He exhorts the Thessalonians to withdraw from
every disorderiy brother.

Driven from the city through Jewish opposition Paul
and Silas went to Beroea, where *' the Jews received the
word with all readiness of mind, examining the Scriptures
daily whether these things were so" (Acts 17 : ii). Jews
from Thessalonica followed them and aroused such oppo-
sition as to interfere with their labors. Paul proceeded to
Athens without Silas and Timothy. While waiting for
their arrival ** his spirit was provoked within him, as he
beheld the city full of idols " (17 : 16). Athens was noted
no less for her culture than for the profusion of idolatrous
objects within her walls. He found curious and con-
temptuous listeners in abundance, but few prepared to
accept the truth. " But certain men clave unto him, and
believed : among whom also was Dionysius the Areop-
agite, and a woman named Damaris, and others with
them " (17 : 34).

Later tradition was busy with the name of Dionysius, represent-
ing him as the first to evan&elize France and as the author of a great
body of theosophical (Neo-Platonlc) writings that really originated
about the beginning of the sixth century.

Corinth was the scene of more prolonged and more
fruitful labors (c. 48-50). It was at this time the prin-
cipal city of Greece and, from the confluence of Greek,
Roman, and Oriental culture and vices, was one of the
most cosmopolitan of the cities of eastern Europe and
was famous for luxury and vice. The book of Acts informs
us (chap. 18) of his arrival, of his association with "a
certain Jew named Aquila, a man of Pontus by race,
lately come from Italy, with his wife Priscilla, because
Claudius had commanded all the Jews to depart from
Rome," that as a fellow-craftsman (tent maker) ht

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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES 99

"abode with them, and they wrought," that "he rea-
soned in the synagogue every Sabbath, and persuaded
Jews and Greeks ; '* that opposition and blasphemy on
the part of the Jews led him to withdraw from the
synagogue and to hold his meetings in the house of a
proselyte named Titus Justus ; that " Crispus, the ruler
of the synagogue, believed in the Lord with all his
house "; that " many of the Corinthians hearing believed,
and were baptized '* ; that he was encouraged by a vision
to zeal and persistence ; that he " dwelt there a year and
six months " ; that the Jews rose in might against him and
arraigned him before the judgment-seat of Gallio, the pro-
consul, who refused to pronounce judgment and "drave
them from the judgment-seat " ; and that, *' having tarried
after this yet many days," he "took his leave of the
brethren, and sailed thence for Syria, and with him Pris-
cilia and Aquila."

From the Epistles to the Corinthians, written the one
from Ephesus, the other shortly after his departure from
Ephesus (c. 51-53), we learn much as to the apostle's
feelings in entering upon the work, his methods of pre-
senting the truth there, and the moral and doctrinal diffi-
culties in which the church became involved. Paul bears
testimony to the high proficiency that the church had at-
tained "in all utterance and all knowledge," so that they
came "behind in no gift." He laments that partisanship
has arisen among them, on the basis of attachment to
individual workers (Paul, Apollos, Cephas) ; adjures them
•*to speak the same thing*' ; assures them that all the
workers are building on the same foundation, Jesus
Christ; cautions them against the subtleties of philo-
sophical speculation (" the wisdom of this world "), which
there is some reason to suspect Apollos had indulged in
and encouraged ; refers to a previous letter in which he
had warned the Corinthian Christians "to have no com-
pany with fornicators " ; devotes much attention to vari-
ous sins of unchastity, the enormity of which the Corinth-
ians very imperfectly realized ; lays down the principles to
be observed in relation to objects associated with idolatry ;
gives instructions as regards the conduct and apparel of
women in Christian assemblies ; calls attention to the
diversities of spiritual gifts among believers and to the

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100 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

corporate oneness and multiplicity of function in the mem-
bership of the church ; exalts love as the cardinal Christian
virtue ; discusses prophecy and the speaking with tongues,
discouraging without absolutely condemning the latter ;
discusses the resurrection, which he makes fundamental
in the Christian system ; and urges upon the church a
weekly offering for the fund he was collecting for the
Jerusalem Christians.

The Second Epistle to the Corinthians indicates that
the first had produced the desired effect and that the
abuses in the church had been remedied. It abounds in
self-vindicatory matter, due no doubt to the efforts of a
strong Judaizing party in the church to disparage him
and thus destroy his influence. It'contains many of the
apostle's noblest utterances. He refers to the liberality
of the Macedonian churches as an incentive to increased
liberality on the part of the Corinthians.

It is probable that the apostle wrote one or more epistles to this
church that have not been preserved, and that he was the recipient
of written communications from the church. There seems no suf-
ficient reason to see in 2 Cor. 10-13 a separate epistle that has be-
come accidentally incorporated here. Its contents are not such as to
fulfill our expectations as regards the lost epistle.

3. Paul's Third Missionary Journey {c. 50-53). Leav-
ing Corinth in company with Priscilla and Aquila, the
apostle made his way eastward. At Ephesus he reasoned
with the Jews in the synagogue, but declined to abide.
Leaving his companions there and promising to return he
sailed for Caesarea. It is related that " when he had
landed at Caesarea, he went up and saluted the church,
and went down to Antioch.'' It is commonly under-
stood that by ** the church " the mother church at Jeru-
salem is meant. After spending some time there he
departed for Ephesus, revisiting the churches in Galatia
and Phrygia on the way. If the Epistle to the Galatians
was not written during the previous visit to Antioch, as
is probable, it was written on this occasion. Between
Paul's first and second visits to Ephesus '' a certain Jew
named Apollos, an Alexandrian by race, a learned man,
came to Ephesus, and he was mighty in the Scriptures.''
We know something of the type of the speculative phi*

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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES lOI

losophy and the methods of biblical interpretation in tlie
midst of which he had received his training/ He may *
well have seen and heard the great*- Pftiit)' Md could:
hardly have escaped the influence ot hi^ teachings. ,He^
had accepted Christ, but was imperfectly instructed in*
the way of the Lord. He is said to have known only the
baptism of John. But Priscilla and Aquila, when they
had heard him, ''took him unto them and expounded
unto him the way of God more carefully/* doubtless as
they had learned it from Paul. With the good will of the
Ephesian brethren he had gone to Achaia, where he was
to labor with acceptance and be an occasion of division
in the Corinthian church.
On reaching Ephesus Paul found certain other disci*

Eles who had received only John's baptism and who
new nothing about the impartation of the Holy Ghost.
Instructed by the apostle they " were baptized into the
name of the Lord Jesus/' and when he ** had laid his
hands upon them the Holy Ghost came upon them ; and
they spake with tongues and prophesied." Paul now
entered upon a peri^ of remarkably successful work,
preaching for three months in the synagogue and after-
wardy by reason of opposition, in '' the school of Tyran-
nus." Here his labors continued for two years (c. 50-
$2), ** so that all they which dwelt in Asia heard the
word of the Lord, both Jews and Greeks." The healing
of the sick and the casting out of demons caused fear to
fall upon Jews and Greeks alike, ''and the name of the
Lord Jesus was magnified." Some who had practised
magic brought their books, whose value was estimated
at fifty thousand pieces of silver, and publicly burned
them. " So mightily grew the word of the Lord and
prevailed."

As the apostle was about to leave Ephesus with the view
of revisiting the churches in Macedonia and Achaia, a riot
was raised against the Christians, led by the idol-makers,
whose trade had been seriously interfered with by the
prevalence of the word of God. This was promptly put
down by the authorities, who feared the censure of the
Roman government. In Ephesus was a great temple of
Diana, and the idol-makers sought to arouse the multi-
tude by crying, " Great is Diana of the Ephesians."

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102 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [p«.t

Having taken an affectionate leave of the brethren Paul
':jcHjrney^4'tQ Jyificipdonia and passed thence to Greece,
'ivisiting kud ^TAtofting the churches he had founded. It
, .wa^duf jng ^his §tay in Macedonia that he wrote Second
■ XSbfrotWans. . *: Gorinth was probably his headquarters
during the three months spent in Greece (Acts 20 : 3),
and it was doubtless there that " the plot " was '* laid
against him by the Jews." While there he wrote the
Epistle to the Romans (c. 53), in which more fully
than elsewhere he expounds his conception of Christian
truth in its relations to Judaism. The church addressed
was no doubt prevailingly Gentile, but had a not incon-
siderable Jewish minority. He had long desired to visit
Rome and enter into personal relations with the Chris-
tians there. It was his plan at this time, after visiting
Jerusalem with the collections that he had taken great
pains to gather, to proceed to Rome, and to be set for-
ward by the brethren there on a missionary tour to the
farther west.

Several German critics (Schultz, Welzsacker, Juilcher, it al.) and
a recent American writer (Dr. McGiffert) are of the opinion that
chap. 16, containing the salutations, was originally addressed not to
theKoman church but to the Ephesian. It Is thought that the apos-
tle could hardly be expected to know intimately so large a number
of the Roman Christians and to be familiar even with their house-
hold meeting-piaces before he had ever set foot in Rome. The
presence there of Priscilla and Aqulla, whom we last left at Ephe-
sus, would suggest this transfer of the chapter. But there is noth-
ing inherently improbable in supposing that these devoted Christian
workers should have returned to Rome, whence they had been
driven some years before, or that many other of Paul's converts in
the East had removed to the great metropolis. Supposing this to
have been the case the apostle might well have learned throu^
these many particulars about the Roman church.

Returning through Macedonia he sailed from Philippi
to Troas, accompanied by a number of the brethren. At
Troas, *'upon the first day of the week," the brethren
"were gathered together to break bread." Paul, in-
tending to leave the next day, discoursed until midnight
and restored the young man who from drowsiness had
fallen from the third story. *'From Miletus he sent to
Ephesus and called to him the elders of the church." His
farewell charge, in which he warned them that grievous

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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES 103

wolves would enter in among them, not sparing the
flock, assured them that for himself he expected bonds
and imprisonment and that they should see his face no
more, and tenderly exhorted them to take heed unto
themselves and all the flock over which the Holy Ghost
had made them bishops, is probably the most pathetic
of all his recorded utterances. At Caesarea he was en-
tertained by Philip, the evangelist, who abode there and
was probably at the head of the local church. He had
four daughters who had the gift of prophecy. At Tyre
and at Caesarea Paul was warned prophetically of the
fate that awaited him in Jerusalem (Acts 21 : 8-14).

It would seem that by this time Paul's work among the Gentiles
had become so widely known and Jewish hostility toward him had
become so acute that a violent outbreak against nim mlsht be ex-
pected in Jerusalem. But he was *' ready not to be bound only, but
also to die at Jerusalem for the name of the Lord Jesus Christ.^'

4. Paul's Last Visit to Jerusalem and the Ca^sarean Im-
Msonment (c. 54-56). In Jerusalem the brethren received
Paul and his companions gladly. In conference with
James and the elders he "rehearsed one by one the
things that God had wrought among the Gentiles by his
ministry." They rejoiced in what had been accom-
plished, but referring to the fact that " the many thou-
sands " " among the Jews of them that believed " were
•'all zealous for the law," and that he was reported to
be teaching "all the Jews that" were "among the
Gentiles to forsake Moses," they asked him to demon-
strate his Jewish loyalty by undergoing, with others, a
purifying ceremony. This he did. But Jews from Asia
who knew of his work among the Gentiles raised an
outcry against him when they saw him in the temple,
charging that he had defiled the temple by bringing
Greeks into it. Rescued from the mob by the Roman
of&cials, he attempted to vindicate himself by rehearsing
his religious history. When he came to his divine com-
mission to preach to the Gentiles, the mob raised an
outcry and demanded his life. Brought into the castle
by order of the chief captain, he was about to be
scourged, but he asserted his Roman citizenship and was
spared this indignity (Acts 22).

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I04 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER I

The next day the chief captain called " the chief priests
and all the Jewish council *' (Sanhedrin) together "and
brought Paul down and set him before them.'* When
he was about to make his defense the high priest Ana-
nias ordered that he be smitten on the mouth. This
aroused his indignation and led him as a Pharisee to
appeal to the Pharisees. By this means he set the two
Jewish parties by the ears, and the chief captain had
Paul taken back to the castle for protection. Jewish
malignity had reached its height. A number of zealots
"bound themselves under a curse, saying that they
would neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul."

Informed of the plot by his nephew, Paul induced the
chief captain to send him with a strong guard to Felix,
the governor at Csesarea. Felix, a corrupt and licen-
tious official, had little sympathy with the Jews, and yet
he dared not antagonize them by liberating his great
prisoner. He was willing, along with his immoral con-
sort, to hear the apostle preach, but not to abandon his
vicious life. For two years he allowed Paul to lie in
prison (Acts 24 : 27).

Felix was superseded by Porcius Festus at the end of
this time. The new governor reheard the case and sub-
mitted it to King Agrippa, who permitted Paul to speak
in his own defense. Agrippa and Festus would probably
have released Paul, but he had appealed unto Csesar
and they felt that he had thus placed himself outside of
their jurisdiction (Acts 26 : 32).

$. Paulas Voyage to Rome and his Raman Imprisonment
(56-59). The perilous voyage to Rome in charge of the
centurion, Julius, the shipwreck and sojourn at Melita,
and the arrival at Rome, are related in a very realistic
way, probably by Luke himself, who was an eye-witness
of much of the later missionary work of the apostle.
The journey to Rome probably occurred about A. D.
56-57. The writer of Acts relates that in Rome *' Paul
was suffered to abide by himself with the soldier that
guarded him;" that he summoned to his lodgings the
chief of the Jews and explained to them the cause of his
imprisonment; that he denied having done anything
against the Jewish people or the customs of the fathers ;
that he sought to convince them from the Law of the

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CHAP.IL] THE APOSTLES lOJ

truth of the gospel ; and that he " abode two whole years
in his own hired dwelling, and received all that went in
unto him, preaching the kingdom of God and teaching
the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ with all
boldness, none forbidding him." Neither this writer nor
any other New Testament writer gives us any further
information about the fate of the apostle. Yet it is
probable that no period of his ministry was more fruitful
than these two years in Rome.

The Epistles to the Colossians, the Ephesians, the
Philippians, Philemon, and Second Timothy were proba-
bly all written during this time. In Ephesians 6 : 18-20
he asks his readers to pray that utterance may be given
unto him in opening his mouth, to make known with
boldness the mystery of the gospel, for which he was ** an
ambassador in chains.'* In Philippians he rejoices in
the gifts received from his Macedonian brethren and con*
veys to them the salutation of all the Roman saints,
especially of them that are of the household of Cssar
(Phil. 4 : 21, 22), and expresses the hope that he may
soon be permitted to visit them. In Philemon he speaks
of himself as " Paul the aged, and now a prisoner also
' of Jesus Christ '* and as having begotten Onesimus, the
runaway slave, in his bonds. He expresses a wish that
Onesimus might be permitted to minister to him. In
Second Timothy he speaks of Onesiphorus as having
often refreshed him, as not having been ashamed of hk
chain, but as having sought out and found him when he
was in Rome. He urges Timothy to come to him shortly,
states that Demas forsook him, " having loved this pres-
ent world,*' that Alexander the coppersmith did him
much evil, and that at his " first defense " all forsook
him. Yet he rejoices that the Lord stood by him and
strengthened him, that through him " the message might
be fully proclaimed, and that all the Gentiles might
hear." He had been " delivered out of the mouth of the
lion." He asked Timothy to bring his cloak, books, and
parchments left at Troas.

If Paul's two years of Roman imprisonment occurred (7~$9» as
seems probable, and If he suffered martyrdom in the great Neronian
persecution in the summer of A. D. 64, as is commonly supposed, we
have an Interval of five years without known events. The silence

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I06 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PBR.1

of Acts regarding his liberation or his martyrdom Is difficult to ex-
plain. If he was liberated about A. D. 59, it may be that from age
and suffering he was physically incapable of further missionary
labors, and that he remained among tne Roman Christians till the
great persecution, or he may have carried out his eariier purpose to
preach the gospel in the farther west. Clement of Rome in his
epistle to the Corinthians {c. 9$) mentions the martyrdom of Paul
and Peter together as belonging to his own generation, thouffh he says
nothing of time or place. Origen and Tertullian (beginnmg of the
third century) represent Paul as suffering martyrdom at Rome under
Nero. Hamack, denying the genuineness of the Pastoral Epistles in
their present form, holds that after Paul's liberation he proauced the
genuine writings that lie at the basis of these Epistles. This ^eory
involves the supposition that he visited Asia Mmor during the inter-
val. The absence of a record of Paul's labors during the years sg-
64 is far from proving that no such labors found place. The Pas-
toral Epistles, as genuine writings of the apostle, can be best ac-
accounted for by supposing a somewhat prolonged interval between
his Roman imprisonment and his martyrdom and another visit to
Asia Minor. From 2 Timothy, probably addressed to Timothy at
Ephesus, Aquila and Priscilla appear to nave l)een in Ephesus. If
they were in Rome when the Epistle to the Romans was written, they
may have returned to Ephesus at the time of the Neronian persecu-
tion. On this theoiy the notices regarding imprisonment in the Pas-
toral Epistles would refer to a second Roman Imprisonment of the
apostle preceding his martyrdom.

6. Peter* s Career from the Apostolic Conference Onward
(47-64). The booK of Acts is strangely silent regarding
the later activity of the apostle of the circumcision, and
we possess but little information from any other source.
In First Corinthians Paul refers to a party in the church
that made his name their watchword and he speaks of
him (9 : 5) as accompanied on his journeys by a believ-
ing wife. It is probable that for a number of years he
devoted most of his time to mission work among the
Jews of Syria, returning occasionally to Jerusalem. To-
ward the end of his career he may have occupied him-
self more largely with Gentile work.

The first of the Epistles that bear his name is pro-
nounced by modern critics thoroughly Pauline in tone.
That his Jewish prejudices should have gradually given
way in view of the great work among the Gentiles ac-
complished by Paul and that he should have read with
diligence the Epistles of that great thinker is not incon-
ceivable ; and there is no difficulty in supposing that his
less original mind should have t>ecome imbued with

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CHAP. II.] tHfi APOStLfiS lo;

Pauline modes of thought. That he should have chosen
Rome as the sphere of his latest labors, where the
Christians were prevailingly Gentile and where Paul had
for some years lived and labored, would strongly confirm
the view that his conceptions of Christianity had become
assimilated to those of Paul.

Recent criticism is almost unanimous in maintaining
that Peter closed his career in Rome, suffering martyr-
dom under Nero in 64. The absence of any mention of
Peter's presence in Paul's Epistles written from his Ro-
man prison is thought to be against the supposition that
Peter s ministry in Rome had begun at that time ; but if
Peter reached Rome about A. D. 59, the date of Paul's
supposed release, sufficient time would be allowed for
him to gain the large influence in the city that tradition
ascribes to him.

It is not improbable that during Paul's imprisonment
(Csesarea and Rome) Peter should have felt prompted to
visit the churches of Asia Minor now deprived of Paul's
ministry. The address of Peter to "the elect who are
sojourners of the Dispersion in Pontus, Galatia, Cappa-
docia, Asia, and Bithynia," presupposes such a visit on
the part of the author. Silvanus and Mark, Paul's earlier
companions, are associated with him at the time of writing.
Mark was with Paul during his Roman imprisonment.
The salutation at the close from ** the (church) that is in
Babylon,"^as it is commonly understood, would seem to
indicate that the letter was written from Rome, the sym-
bolical Babylon, especially as nothing is known of a
church in Babylon at that time, and it is improbable
that Silvanus and Mark labored in Mesopotamia.

The First Epistle was chiefly consolatory in view of the
then present tribulations, and hortatory against current
forms of vice and irreligion and in favor of obedience to
constituted authority (to the king as supreme, to govern-
ors, to masters on the part of servants, to husbands on
the part of wives), likemindedness, compassion, brotherly
love, humble-mindedness, patience, and rejoicing in being
partakers of Christ's sufferings. The author speaks of
Christ as " the Shepherd and Bishop " of the souls of
believers, and of himself as **a fellow-elder " with the
elders of the churches.

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to8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

The Second Epistle consists of exhortation to the
practice of Christian virtues, of a severe arraignment of
certain immoral forms of error, and of *a remarkable escha-
tological passage in which ''the day of the Lord'* is
represented as coming '*as a thief," in which ''the
heavens shall pass away with a great noise, and the ele-
ments shall be dissolved with fervent heat," to be fol-
lowed by "new heavens and a new earth, wherein
dwelleth righteousness." The writer refers, in support
of this representation, to the Epistles of his " beloved
brother Paul, wherein are some things hard to be under-
stood, which the ignorant and unsteadfast wrest, as they
do all the other Scriptures, to their own destruction/'

This Epistle did not gain general recognition as a genuine work of
Peter and as a canonical book until after the time of Eusebius {c.
325), but its useful character had caused it to be widely read and led
to its ultimate reception into the canon. The chief objections to its
genuineness are that no mention of It in Christian literature occurs
before the third century ; that, like the Epistie of Jude, to which it
bears a striking resemblance, it combats forms of Gnostic heresy sup-
posed to be of a later origin ; that it refers to Paul's writings as
*' Scripture" ; and the seeming remoteness of its composition from the
eariy Christian time as implied in 3 : d. But it is probable that the
" Fathers " referred to are the ancient Jewish patriarchs, and there is
no feature of the heresy combated that might not have arisen before
64. Even supposing the author to have been dependent on the
Epistie of Jude a later date is not necessary. If the First Epistie is
genuine and bears evidence of strong Pauline influence, the mention
of Paul's Episties among the " Scriptures " would not be unnatural.

Early tradition, gathered up by Papias (A. D. 140-160)
represented Peter as the virtual author of the Gospel ac-
cording to Mark. It is highly probable that Mark wrote
under the influence of Peter and recorded the words and
deeds of the Saviour as Peter was accustomed to narrate
them.

Several apocryphal works, written in the second century, bear
Peter's name (the Preaching of Peter, the Gospel of Peter, the Apoc-
alypse of Peter), and he figures very prominentiy in the Clementine
Homilies and Recognitions (end of second century).

There is no ground for the later Roman Catholic contention that
Peter was the first pastor of the Roman church, or that he occupied a
position of primacy among the aposties, although our Lord's address
to Peter recorded in Matt. 16 : i8, 19, wrongly interpreted, could be
easily perverted in this interest

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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES IO9

7. The Ministry of James, the Brother of Jesus. There
is no evidence that the brothers of Jesus believed in his
Messiahship until after his resurrection. A special man-
ifestation to him of the risen Christ no doubt made of
James the zealous disciple that we find him to have been.
After Peter had become occupied with missionary work
outside of the city, and especially after he had compro-
mised himself in the eyes of the Judaizing Christians by
eating with Gentile Christians, James came to be the
recognized leader of the mother-church. It does not ap-
pear that he ever abandoned the contention that it is
obligatory on Christian Jews to observe the Law. While
he countenanced missionary work among the Gentiles
and agreed to the recognition of Gentile converts without
circumcision, as a Jew he felt bound to observe the
whole law and to require other Jewish converts to con-
form to this practice. That the mother-church, of which
James remained pastor until his death, enjoyed immunity
from the severer forms of persecution may be inferred
from absence of any notices of suffering ; that the
Christians of Jerusalem were exceedingly poor is evi-
dent from the continued efforts of Paul to gather funds
for their relief. Later Christian writers (Clement of Alex-
andria, Eusebius, etc.) represent James as the "bishop"
of the Jerusalem church ; but this term is never applied
to him in the apostolic writings. The authority he en-
joyed was due not to official position but rather to force
of character, relationship to the Lord, and stanch adher-
ence to Judaism. According to an early tradition em-
bodied by Hegesippus in the fifth book of his *' Memoirs,"
and quoted by Eusebius,^ James had attained to an extraor-
dinary reputation for sanctity among the Jews and had
received the titles "the just" and "bulwark of the
people." He is said to have been "holy from his
mother's womb," to have drunk " no wine nor strong
drink," to have eaten no flesh, to have never had his
hair or beard cut, and to have abstained from anointing
himself with oil and from bathing. " He alone was per-
mitted to enter into the holy place ; for he wore not
woolen but linen garments."

> " Cburch History." Bk. U.. cb. •).

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It is represented that after Paul had been delivered
out of their hands and sent to Rome, some of the leaders
of the Jews questioned James about Jesus and that his
confession led to the conversion of so many as to alarm
the authorities, who cast him from the pinnacle of the
temple and afterward stoned and beat him to death*
Josephus relates that advantage was taken of the inter-
regnum between the death of Festus and the arrival of
Albinus to destroy this just man. The high priest Annas
is said to have called the Sanhedrin together and secured
his condemnation. This occurred about A. D. 6i.

8. The Labors of Other Apostolic Men. We know al-
most nothing of the career of John from the time of the
apostolic conference, when Paul reckoned him as one of
the " pillars " of the Jerusalem church, to the Neronian
persecution. It is probable that long before A. D. 64 he
had entered upon his missionary work in the province of
Asia. But his writings and the most that we know of his
labors are of a later date. To Jude, a brother of the
Lord, a short canonical Epistle is ascribed. He proba-
bly remained in connection with the Jerusalem church.
Early tradition, of uncertain value, represents Andrew,
Matthew^ and Bartholomew as laboring in the region of
the Black Sea ; Thomas, Thaddeus, and Simon the Ca-
naanite in the remote East as far as India, and Philip in
Asia Minor. We have no trustworthy accounts of th*?
results of their labors or of the dates or circumstif nces of
their deaths.

According to tradition Mark labored in Eg/pt and
founded the church in Alexandria. As he ^\as with
Paul during his Roman imprisonment and with Peter
when he composed his first Epistle, and as he is said to
have been succeeded in Alexandria by Annianus in the
eighth year of Nero (62), his residence there must have
included some time before 62. If he composed the Gos-
pel that bears his name under Peter's influence it was
probably shortly before the Neronian persecution.

Of Barnabas after his separation from Paul we know
nothing except that he labored for a time on the island
of Cyprus. The Epistle to the Hebrews, written proba-
bly "iafter"ther Neronian persecution, was- ascribed \)y
Tertullian and by many later writers to Barnabas.

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CMAP.U.] THE APOSTLES III

Of Apcllos, the learned Alexandrian Jew, whose labors
in Ephesus and in Corinth have already been referred to,
nothing further is known. Luther ascribed to him the
authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and this opin-
ion has been adopted by a number of recent writers.

Of Luke, "the beloved physician " and the author of
the Gospel bearing his name and of the book of Acts,
who was closely associated with Paul in his missionary
labors and during his imprisonment, nothing further is
known. Some early Christian writers supposed that the
Epistle to the Hebrews was written in Hebrew by Paul
and translated into Greek by Luke. Origen was of
the opinion that the Epistle is a report of oral teachings of
Paul by one of his disciples, possibly by Luke, and some
have attributed its authorship to Luke. The late Dr.
John A. Broadus inclined to the opinion that the Epistle
was a sermon of Paul's reported freely in his own lan-
guage by Luke.

Of Silvanus the last mention we have is in First Peter.
Timothy, who was so intimately associated with Paul in
his missionary labors, who joined with Paul in the Epis-
tles to the Philippians, Colossians, Thessalonians, and
Philemon, and who was with him during part of his
Roman imprisonment, seems to have labored for some
time in Ephesus, and is represented by a somewhat late
tradition as a bishop of that church. He is said to have
suffered martyrdom under Domitian. The name of
Titus is associated in tradition with the island of Crete.

.v. FROM THE NERONIAN PERSECUTION TO THE DEATH OF
THE APOSTLE JOHN (A. D. 64-100).

I. The Neronian Persecution. Christianity had from
the beginning everywhere suffered persecution, the Jews
being usually the instigators. It has been qoticed that
in most cases Roman officials were slow to act upon
Jewish accusations and gave a measure of protection to
the Christians. In a few cases pagans raised an outcry
against those whose teachings were perilous to their
worldly interests. But there is no instance on record in
which any high Roman official proceeded spontaneously
against the Christians before A. D. 64. Claudius had
issued an edict of banishment against the Jews of Rome

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112 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISIORY [PHti

(probably in A. D. 49). No doubt such Jewish Chris-
tians as were in Rome suffered along with other Jews.
The remark of Suetonius, that *' Claudius expelled the
Jews assiduously creating disturbance under the instiga-
tion of Chrestus," has led some to suspect that the Jew-
ish riots were connected with the Christian propaganda. .
But Chrestus may have been a Jewish agitator of the
time. Supposing Christ to be meant, it is by no means
certain that the writer made the blunder of supposing
that he was then actually present in Rome.

The early years of Nero's reign were not unfavorable
to the spread of the gospel. Son of the ambitious and
intriguing Agrippina and stepson of the imbecile Em-
peror Claudius, he succeeded to the imperial dignity
while still a youth. Gifted in poetry and in music,
genial, humane, the beginning of his reign awakened
high expectations. Augustus had esteemed it a personal
affliction to be obliged to punish, and he had inflicted the
death penalty only in extreme cases. The youthful
Nero, some time after his assumption of the purple, re-
joiced that in his entire empire not a drop of blood had
been shed. When it appeared necessary for him to sign
death warrants he lamented that he could write. Under
the tuition of such philosophers and statesm^^n as Sen-
eca and Burrhus it was expected that the ingenuous youth
would become a paragon of wisdom and of justice.
Seneca thought him ** incapable of learning cruelty,"
and expected that the emperor's gentleness of disposition
would permeate the entire empire and so transform the
world as to restore the innocent, golden age of mankind.
Nero was emperor when Rom. 13 : 1-7 and i Peter 11 :
13-17 were penned. It was to Nero that Paul as a
Roman citizen appealed when arraigned in Csesarea.
Christianity had its representatives, doubtless somewhat
numerous and influential, in Nero's household.

It does not fall within the purpose of the present work
to attempt to account for the transformation of the bril-
liant, ingenuous Nero of $4 into the cruel monster of
62-^. As early as A. D. 55 he had ordered the murder
of his brother Britannicus, and in A. D. 60 his mother
had been assassinated at his command. The divorce
and the subsequent murder of his first wife Octavia and

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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES II3

the death of Poppoea, his second wife, from personal
abuse represent stages in his downward career. He be-
came insanely greedy of praise for his poetic and musical
accomplishments, and to gain the popular applause often
played the part of a public buffoon. Unbridled indul-
gence in vice of every description, the flattery of corrupt
favorites, and the possession of unlimited power, no
doubt dethroned his reason. Only a madman could
have been guilty of the follies and the atrocities of his
later years.

In the summer of 64 his fury was turned upon the
Christians of Rome. The occasion was the burning of
ten out of fourteen of the precincts of the city. For
accounts of the conflagration and of the persecution that
ensued we are indebted almost wholly to pagan writers
of the next century. Contemporary Jewish writers like
Josephus were discreetly silent regarding the conflagra-
tion and the persecution alike. Christians were terror-
stricken by this terrible revelation of the '* mystery of
iniquity," and if they referred to the matter at all veiled
their utterances in symbolical language. The abrupt-
ness with which the book of Acts terminates may have
been due to the writer's unwillingness to subject his
brethren to further persecution by publicly narrating the
facts of the Neronian persecution. The Apocalypse no
doubt owes some of its obscurity to the desire of its
writer to express in a way intelligible to the Christians
of his time, but unintelligible to their enemies, his di-
vinely inspired views on the actual and future relations
of Christianity and the great world-power.

Suetonius, Dion Cassius, and Pliny state categorically
that Nero himself was the author of the conflagration.
Tacitus informs us that Nero was suspected of the crime
and that to avert from himself the suspicion he accused
the Christians of committing it. Tacitus' account of
the persecution is as follows :

First were arraigned those who confessed, then on their informa-
tion a vast multitude were convicted, not so much on the charge of
arson as for their hatred of the human race. Their deaths were
made more cruel by the mockery that accompanied them. Some
were covered with the skins of wild beasts and torn to pieces by
dogs ; others perished on the cross or in the flames : and others
again were burnt after sunset as torches to light up the darkness

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114 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

Nero himself granted his gardens for the show, and gave an exhibi-
tion in the circus, and dressed as a charioteer, mixed with the people
or drove his chariot himself. Thus, guilty and deserving the sever-
est punishment as they were, they were yet pitied, as they seemed to
be put to death, not for the benefit of the State* but to gratify the
cruelty of an individual. ^

The following remarks may be apposite :
(i) Nero's reputation for wanton destructiveness of
property and life was such as to lead to the popular be-
lief that he had caused the conflagration and had inflicted
the most terrible suffering on a sect innocent of this par-
ticular crime, but on other accounts hated by the people.
It is probable that Nero had expressed dissatisfaction
with the architecture of the city and that this, together
with the magnificence of the rebuilding, confirmed the
suspicion.

(2) It is probable that his attention to the Christians as
proper victims was suggested by the Jews, who enjoyed
considerable favor under Nero through the influence still
possessed by the beautiful Poppoea.

(3) We are not to infer from Nero's proceedings against
the Christians that he proscribed Christianity as such ;
but rather that he proscribed the Christians of Rome as
guilty of incendiarism and of disgraceful practices.

(4) Tacitus's statement that " first were arraigned those
who confessed " may mean either that pretended Chris-
tians were found who testified that Christians were
guilty of arson and other crimes, and who gave the names
of many Christians, or that some real Christians were
forced by torture to confess crimes that they had not
committed and to give the names of their brethren, or
that the accused ones first arraigned confessed that they
were Christians. From Tacitus* own statement it would
seem that the confession did not involve the admission of
incendiarism, but rather of such views of life as seemed
to the Romans to involve "hatred of the human rape."
Their repudiation of the State religion and their refusal
to participate in the corrupt social life of the time sufficed
to bring upon them this charge, and vile stories were
commonly circulated against them, if not in the time of
Nero, certainly by the time of Tacitus.

'XV.. 44.

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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES 11$

(5) There is no reason to suppose that Nero attempted
to exterminate Christianity throughout the empire by
issuing a general edict against the Name. Yet it is prob-
able that the harsh treatment of Christians in Rome en-
couraged their enemies in Asia Minor and elsewhere to
rise up against them, and caused Roman officials in the
provinces to be less indifferent than hitherto to charges
brought against Christians.

(6) It is probable that throughout the remainder of his
reign Nero continued to cause the persecution of Chris-
tians in Rome. It is not necessary to suppose that Paul
and Peter were both, or either of them, executed in the
summer of 64. If there were reasons for believing that
either of them lived till 66 or 68 the fact that both suf-
fered in Rome under Nero would not be contradicted.

2. The Epistle to the Hebrews (c. A. D. 67). The six
years that intervened between the Neronian persecu-
tion and the destruction of Jerusalem must have been
a time of gloom and grave apprehension to the Christian
churches. They had come to realize that they could
expect nothing but evil from the constituted author-
ities. Many Jewish Christians, who from the first
had found it difficult to reconcile the doctrine and the
fact of a suffering Saviour with their ideas of a Mes-
sianic kingdom and to whom the future seemed fraught
with suffering, began to grow discouraged. The Epistle
to the Hebrews was probably written at this time with a
view to making clear the necessity and the dignity of a
suffering Messiah. Christ's superiority to Jewish high
priests consists in the fact that " having learned obedi-
ence by the things which he suffered ; and having been
made perfect, he became unto all them that obey him
the author of eternal salvation " (5 : 8, 9). " It behooved
him in all things to be made like unto his brethren, that
he might be a merciful and faithful high priest. . . For
in that he hath suffered being tempted, he is able to suc-
cor them that are tempted." Reference is made in
chap. 10 to "former days," in which the readers "en-
dured a great conflict of sufferings," and "took joyfully
the spoiling of their goods." The blessedness of faith,
exercised under the most trying circumstances, and the
glories of martyrdom are impressively set forth* The

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Il6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.L

readers are warned against '' divers and strange teach-
ings/' and the words that follow indicate that it is Juda-
izing error (Ebionism) that the writer has in mind. They
are exhorted to "obey them that have the rule over"
them. A salutation from the brethren in Italy is con-
veyed and the release of Timothy from bondage is re*
ported. If Paul's martyrdom did not occur in the summer
of 64, but somewhat later, the Epistle may have been
written under his direction and may be virtually his own.
In any case it is thoroughly Pauline in spirit.

3. The Jewish War and the Destruction of Jerusalem
(A. D. 70). The New Testament contains no direct refer-
ence to this great event which forms an epoch in Jewish
history and exerted a profound influence on Christian pro-
gress. '' One of the most awful eras in God's economy of
grace, and the most awful revolution in all God's relig-
ious dispensations," is Warburton's characterization. ** A
greater catastrophe than the mortal combat of the Jewish
people with the Roman world-power, and the destruc-
tion of the holy city, is unknown to the history of the
world " (Orelli). Farrar characterizes this event as
"the most awful in history."

For years Jewish discontent with Roman tyranny had
been growing more and more acute. Caligula (c. 4P)
ordered his image to be erected in the Jewish temple,
and committed the execution of the order to Petronius,
the Syrian governor. The determined opposition of the
Jews led to delay and a crisis was averted by the death
of ihe emperor (41). Claudius sought to conciliate the
Jews of Palestine and of Egypt by guaranteeing to them
freedom and protection in the exercise of their religion,
and the Herodian kingdom under Agrippa I. was restored
so as to cover the territory governed by Herod the
Great. After his death (44) Judea became a Roman
province and the authority of the later Herodians was
very slight.

The Roman procurators (44 onward) were for the most
part corrupt and oppressive and were little concerned
about conciliating the people. Felix (c. 52-58), an eman-
cipated slave, was licentious and dishonest and gave the
Jewish people over to be ruined by unscrupulous tax-
gatherers. Festus (c. 58-61) bore a better reputation ;

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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES II7

but AlbinuSy his successor (c. 61), shamefully plundered
the land. '' There was no sort of iniquity that he did
not practise'' (Josephus). He shared with robbers in
their spoils and ranked among them as a captain (Jo-
sephus). His successor Florus (c. 65) was so shameless
in his corruption that he is represented by Josephus as
fomenting revolution in order to cover up his misdeeds.

In 66 a Jewish uprising occurred in Caesarea. The
plundering of the temple by Florus greatly increased the
popular discontent. Jewish zealots here and there mar-
shaled armies against Roman rule. The slaughter of
twenty thousand Jews in Csesarea was a signal for a
general uprising. About thirteen thousand fell shortly
afterward at Scythopolis and multitudes in other places.
Vespasian, an experienced general, was sent by Nero in
67 to quell the rebellion. Jerusalem was strongly forti-
fied and was able for a long time to resist the Roman
assaults. The death of Nero led to a suspension of effort.
Galba, Otho, and Vitellius successively donned the pur-
ple, but it remained for Vespasian to secure general
recognition as emperor (69).

With Vespasian it was a matter of honor to complete
the subjugation of the Jews. His son Titus, with an
army of eighty thousand, besieged Jerusalem in A. D. 70.
Josephus, the historian, took sides with the Romans
against his own people and co-operated with Titus. His
writings constitute the only detailed account we possess
of this terrible struggle.

Besides the ordinary population of Jerusalem hundreds
of thousands of Jews had flocked to the city from Judea,
Syria, and even Mesopotamia. The besieged held out
with fanatical obstinacy. The horrors of famine, pesti-
lence, and cannibalism were added to the destructive
fury of the Roman army. As one part of the city after
another fell into the hands of the Romans the inhabitants
were remorselessly executed. Over a million are said
to have been slaughtered and over a hundred thousand
to have been taken captive. Multitudes were sent into
the most degrading slavery. Thousands of the choicest
young men were selected for gladiatorial exhibitions.
The temple was destroyed, although Titus is said to
have wished to preserve it. A few of the Zealots es-

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IlS A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

caped and proceeded to Alexandria, where they caused a
Jewish insurrection. This was suppressed with great
slaughter and the temple at Leontopolis was forever
closed against the Jews. The Jewish nation as a the-
ocracy was blotted out of existence.

There is reason to believe that the Christians of Jeru-
salem and Judea were strongly opposed to the Zealots in
their uncompromising warfare against Rome. To remain
in Jerusalem would subject them not only to the horrors
of the siege and to the general massacre that they must
have foreseen as inevitable, but to maltreatment at the
hands of the Zealots, who could brook no opposition and
to whom even indifference in respect to the patriotic
cause was regarded as treason. Shortly before the city
had been invested by Titus (probably late in 69) they
withdrew to Pella, in Perea, where under the leadership
of Symeon, a cousin of the Lord, they remained until it
was safe for them to return to Jerusalem. Under the
leadership of James the Jerusalem Christians had glo-
ried in being Jews and in rigorously observing the Jewish
ceremonial law. In fact they claimed that, having ac-
cepted the Messiah rejected by most of their fellow-
countrymen, they were the only true Jews ; and they
no doubt lived in the hope that they would be able to
lead the nation as such to accept the Messiah.

The destruction of Jerusalem was of momentous im-
port to Christianity in the following ways :

(i) It marked in the most unmistakable way the end
of the old dispensation and the complete emancipation
of Christianity from the thraldom of Judaism. It was
henceforth impossible for any one to observe the cere-
monial law in its fullness. No doubt the Pauline type
of Christianity would ultimately have become dominant
apart from this fearful interposition of Divine Providence.
Judaistic Christianity was to persist in the form of
sects, but catholic Christianity could no longer be Juda*
izing.

(2) The destruction of the city was very commonly
looked upon by Christians as a divine judgment on the
Jewish people for their rejection and crucifixion of the
Messiah. It may safely be said that if the Jews as a
body, or a large proportion of them, had accepted Christ

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CHAP. II.] THE APOSTLES II9

as their Saviour and had become partakers of the Spirit
of Christ, the Jewish Zealots, who brought ruin upon
their people, would not have arisen or would not have
secured popular support.

(3) The great catastrophe may be regarded as a direct
fulfillment of our Lord's predictions as recorded in Matt.
21 : 43 and 23 : 37-39, and in Luke 21 : 20-28.

(4) This great event is regarded by many as a ful-
fillment of our Lord's prophecies regarding his speedy
coming in his kingdom (Matt. 10 : 23 ; 16 : 28 ; 24 : 34),
and of such passages in the apostolic Epistles and the
Acts of the Apostles as represent the Lord's advent as
imminent. It seems harsh to associate so glorious an
event as the Lord's coming with a catastrophe so terri-
ble ; yet there can be no question but that the destruc-
tion of the city and the theocracy gave a freedom and a
universality to the gospel which mark an epoch in the
history of Christianity and placed the gradually advan-
cing kingdom of Christ on a firm basis.

($) There is no reason to think that the Roman au-
thorities at this time discriminated carefully between
Christianity and Judaism in favor of the former ; but
the time had past when the accusations of Jews against
Christians would be heeded by the civil courts. Hence-
forth the Jews were without political influence and were •
treated with contempt by the Roman officials.

4. The Gospels. All the Gospels except that of Mark
(65-70) were probably composed after the destruction of
Jerusalem. Various collections of discourses and narra-
tives of the life and works of Jesus had doubtless been
in circulation for several decades. Matthew's Gospel
was probably composed shortly after A. D. 70, Luke's
Gospel and his Acts of the Apostles probably a few
years later, while the Gospel according to John did not
appear until near the close of the century.

5. Persecution of Christians under Domitian (A. D. 81-
96). Vespasian (69-79) does not appear to have taken
any steps against the Christians. He was one of the
best of the emperors and devoted his attention largely to
the proper work of administration and to the erection of
useful public works. Having slaughtered a million re-
bellious Jews and destroyed their city and sanctuary, he

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I20 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER I

relented toward the subjugated remnant and on various
occasions protected them from local tyranny. Jews and
Christians alike were compelled to pay the old temple
tax for the maintenance of the temple of Jupiter Capt-
tolinus that had been erected in Jerusalem. Christians
were apparently little thought of except as a small Jew-
ish sect hated by their countrymen and not at all dan-
gerous to the commonwealth. The same is true of the
short reign of Titus (79-81).

Domitian (81-96), son of Vespasian and Flavia Domi-
tilla, was autocratic, arrogant, suspicious, cruel, and
ferocious. Vespasian had refused to be worshiped as
God. Domitian insisted upon such worship as an im-
perial prerogative, and assumed the titles " God,'* ** Lord
and God," "Jupiter,'' etc. He was zealous for the
maintenance of the State religion and regarded secret
religious societies as hotbeds of treason which must be
destroyed. He became suspicious of the Senate, which
opposed his arbitrary measures, and many of its mem-
bers were proscribed. He instituted a system of espion-
age and encouraged slaves to betray their masters.
During the last two years of his reign his suspiciousness
and cruelty became intensified. Christians, especially
those in Rome, suffered severely at his hands. Chris-
tianity now had its representatives among the Roman
aristocracy. Flavia Domitilla (the younger), wife (or
niece) of Flavius Clemens, a consul and a cousin of the
emperor, is said to have been " exiled with others to the
island of Pontia in consequence of testimony borne to
Christ."* Flavius Clemens himself was put to death,
but whether as a Christian remains uncertain. Sueto-
nius charges him with "most contemptible laziness"
and Dion Cassius with "atheism." This latter was a
common charge against Christians ; but we cannot ac-
count for the silence of early Christian tradition if so
eminent a man had suffered for the faith.

Domitian is said to have heard that relatives of Jesus
still lived in Palestine and to have suspected them of
kingly aspirations. When they had been brought before
him and he had learned that they were poor rustics and

> EuMUttt.

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CHAP.n.] THE APOSTLES 121

that the kingdom of Christ ** was not a temporal nor an
earthly," "but a heavenly and angelic one, which would
appear at the end of the world," he ** let them go, and
by a decree put a stop to the persecution of the church."*
Tertullian speaks of Domitian as '' a portion of Nero as
regards cruelty," and he seems to have been regarded
by the author of the Apocalypse as a second Nero (17 :
II). The First Epistle of Clement of Rome, written
about this time, speaks of " sudden and repeated calami-
ties and adversities " as having recently befallen the
Roman chuFch. The banishment of the Apostle John to
Patmos is commonly referred to this reign. It is not at
all likely that Domitian attempted to institute a general
persecution of Christians ; but the persecution for local
reasons of the Roman Christians and the emperor's
known hostility to Christianity doubtless gave encour-
agement to persecuting acts in many communities.

6. The Johanman Apocalypse. According to Irena^us,
whose acquaintance with Polycarp of Smyrna (d. 155),
a disciple of the Apostle John, placed him in very close
touch with the later apostolic age, the Apocalypse was
written near the end of the reign of Domitian (c. 95).
More than any other New Testament writing it breathes
a spirit of intense hostility to the Roman Empire. Do-
mitian seems to have been regarded as a repetition of
Nero. His arrogance, his determination to be recognized
and worshiped as a god, and his extreme intolerance led
Christians to expect the worst things and made the out-
look exceedingly gloomy. The Neronian persecution is
probably referred to in 6 : 9 seq.^ where "the souls of
them that had been slain for the word of God " cry out
for judgment and vengeance. In 17 : 11, "the beast that
was, and is not, is himself also an eighth, and is of the
seven," is probably Domitian.* There was a widespread
impression among pagans and Christians alike that Nero.
whose cruelty was so appalling as to seem more than
human, would return to renew his desolating work. It
is not necessary to suppose that the author of the Apoc-
alypse believed in the literal reappearance of Nero ; but

1 EoseMos, fbllowing Hecesfppiis.

>l>(Miltljui was tlM eirhth emperor (oaltttng Galba, Otbo, and Vltelllut). Nero
fru tbefifUi and so was^' of the seven."

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122 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.1

his obscure language would seem to reflect the popular
sentiment. Rome was no doubt meant by "Mystery,
Babylon the Great, the mother of the harlots and of the
abominations of the earth " (17 : 5). ** The beast that
thou sawest was, and is not ; and is about to come up
out of the abyss " (ver. 8) is doubtless Nero and Domi-
tian. The book is addressed to the seven churches of
Asia, and there are separate epistles to Ephesus, Smyrna,
Pergamum, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea,
in which the spiritual condition of each church is de-
scribed. A general state of tribulation and harassment,
by reason of persecutors and false teachers, may be in-
ferred from these addresses. The apocalyptic form of
literature had been fully developed in the pre-Christian
time and the author was no doubt acquainted with some
of the earlier apocalyptic writings.

7. The Gospel and Epistles of John. That the Af)ostle
John spent the later years of his life at Ephesus and that
he lived to the time of Trajan (98) is related by Irena^us
{c. 175). Clement of Alexandria (end of second century)
relates that he went forth to the " neighboring territories
of the Gentiles, to appoint bishops in some places, in
other places to set in order whole churches, elsewhere to
choose to the ministry some of those that were pointed
out by the Spirit."

The composition of the Gospel and the Epistles is com-
monly ascribed to the last years of the apostle's life.
Irenaeus represents John as having written the Gospel as
a polemic against Cerinthus, a noted contemporary her-
etic. According to Clement of Alexandria John wrote a
spiritual Gospel to supplement the other Gospels, in
which the external facts had been sufficiently narrated.
That the Gospel, especially in the prologue, should
betray the writer's acquaintance with the Jewish-Alex-
andrian philosophy, cannot with propriety be urged
against its Johannean authorship. If, as is commonly
admitted, the apostle continued in vigorous activity to
the time of Trajan, there is no reason why he should not
have become possessed of all the philosophical culture
manifest in the Gospel, That he should have empha-
sized the spiritual aspects of Christ's teachings is what
might have been expected of the disciple "whom Jesus

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CHAf.lI.] THE APOSTLES I23

loved." It is not practicable to discuss here the Johan-
nean question, which still constitutes one of the live
issues of New Testament criticism.

The Epistles are commonly accepted as the works of
the author of the Gospel. The First Epistle is particu-
larly interesting as indicating to us the forms of error
prevalent in Asia Minor during the last years of the apos-
tolic age. The first verse is highly significant, ihe
author's object is evidently to set aside the view that the
Word became incarnate in appearance only (Docetism)
by giving personal testimony as regards his own proving
of the reality of the Word of life manifested to men by
hearing, sight, and touch. In 4 : 2 stress is laid on the
reality of Christ's humanity : " Every spirit which con-
fesseth that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh is of God."
Again (2 : 18, 20, 23) we have indications of Ebionitic
denial of the deity of Christ. Antichrists are said to be
already in the world, who had gone out from the Chris-
tians because they were not of them. He is called a liar
" that denieth that Jesus is the Christ. This is the anti-
christ, he that denieth the Father and the Son." Stress
is laid on the unction of the Spirit as enabling believers
infallibly to discern the truth, and love, in truly Johan-
nean phrase, is made the " new commandment," which
he writes to his ** little children." He calls his own time
**the last hour " and regards the hatred of the world as
what was to be expected.

8. The Epistle of Clement of Rome to the Corinthians.
This letter addressed by the Roman church to the Corin-
thian church, said to have been written while Clement
was pastor of the Roman church and commonly attrib-
uted to him, was probably contemporaneous with the
Johannean literature and so falls nominally within the
apostolic age; but as it is commonly classed with the
"Apostolic Fathers," which belong as a body to the next
period, it seems best to defer our discussion of its author-
ship, date, character, and contents.

It may be here remarked that while in the person of
John direct apostolic influence persisted in the province
of Asia until about the close of the first century, in most
communities it ceased two or three decades earlier. The
death of Paul and of Peter, about 64, deprived extensive

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Ii4 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I.

regions of the apostolic guidance on which they had espe-
cially relied. The generation following to the death of
John was an age of transition, and ecclesiastical develop-
ment was as free from apostolic guidance in many
regions as in the second and following centuries. This
was no doubt true of the churches of Rome and Corinth.
It will be interesting to note here the condition of
these churches as set forth in the epistle addressed by
the former church to the latter in response to an urgent
request for advice. The reply has been delayed by
" sudden and successive calamitous events " (no doubt
the persecution under Domitian), The Corinthian church
had fallen into discord, which the writer declares to
be worse than that in Paul's time. The main trouble
seems to have been that ambitious men of the younger
generation had gained such ascendency in the church as
to be able to supplant the elders that had been appointed
by the apostles, or, as the writer says, "the worthless
rose up against the honored, those of no reputation
against such as were renowned, the foolish against the
wise, the young against those advanced in years"
(chap. 3). The opinion is expressed that those appointed
by the apostles "or afterward by other eminent men,
with the consent of the whole church, and who have
served the flock of Christ, in a humble, peaceable, and
disinterested spirit, and have for a long time possessed
the good opinion of all, cannot be justly dismissed from
the ministry " (chap. 44). Throughout the epistle the
office of oversight is represented as committed to elders
and not to a single chief official. There is no mention
made of any individual headship either in Rome or in
Corinth.

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CHAPTER III
CONSTITUTION OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCHES

Literature : in addition to the pertinent works referred to in the
preceding chapter, Hatch, '* The Organization of the Early Christian
Churches," 1882 (also German translation with important annota-
tions by Hamack) ; Cunningham, " The Growth of the Church in
its Organization and Institutions," 1886 ; Hort, *' The Christian
Ecdesia," 1897 ; Lightfoot, '* Commentary on the Epistle to the
Philippians" (excursus on ''The Christian Ministry"): Hamack,
" DogmsngisehichU,^' Bd. 1. (also English translation) : Lechler, *' His-
tory of the Apostolic and Post- Apostolic Times" ; Allen, '* Christian
Institutions,'' 1898: Baur, "The Church of the First Three Cen-

turies"; Jacob, "fecdesiastical Polity of the New Testament' ,
Dargan, " Ecclesiology," 1897; R^^schl, "D. Altkatkol. Kirchs,'^
i8s7 ; and articles on the church and its various officers and institu-

tions in Cremer, " Biblico-Theolo^ical Lexicon of New Testament
Greek," and in me Bible dictionaries and encyclopedias.

I. THE CHURCH AND THE CHURCHES.

I. Uses of the Term ixxXriela in the New Testament. The
word denotes literally '*a calling out," or the result of a
calling out of the people for public purposes, that is, an
assembly. In this sense it is used in profane Greek, in
che Septuagint, and in a few instances in the New Testa-
ment (Acts 19 : 32, 39, 40, 41). When applied to Chris-
tians the word means in the New Testament: (i) The
entire community of the redeemed, considered as an or-
ganism held together by belief in a common Lord and by
participation in a common life and salvation, and in com-
mon aims and interests. In the Septuagint the word is
used to designate the "congregation of the people of
Israel, whether summoned or met for a definite purpose, or
the community of Israel collectively regarded as a congre-
gation." * The word in the New Testament, as in the Old,
carries with it the idea of holiness. It was in this sense
that our Lord used the word in Matt. 16 : 18, and it is so
used in Acts 9: 31 (critical text), i Tim. 3 : 15, and in
many other passages. (2) The word was so specialized

las

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126 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.L

as to be applied to definite bodies of believers assembling
in particular places for the worship of God, for mutual
edification, for the exercise of discipline, and for the car-
rying forward of Christian work. In this sense it occurs
by far the most frequently. In Matt. i8 : 17, seq., our
Lord seems to contemplate a Christian local assembly
capable of hearing the complaints of the injured brother
and of proceeding against the offender. Examples of this
usage are Acts 16 : 5 ; i Cor. 16 : 19 ; Philem. 2 ; PhiL
4:15. Whenever the plural occurs, or the church in a
particular place is mentioned, this use of the word may
be inferred. The following observations may here be
made:

(i) If any distinction is to be made between the use of the term
*' church '' m the general sense and that of the terms '* kingdom of
God" and '* kingdom of heaven," it Is that the latter, used almost
exclusively by our Saviour, designates rather the sphere of divine
dominion in human life, *' the realization of the divine purpose of
salvation,"^ the divine order and mode of life that is as fuUv
present in each individual as in the entire body of the redeemed*;
while the former, used more commonly in the apostolic writings, in-
dicates the entire body of believers, conceived of as fundamentally
holy but as still throughout the present life subject to human frailties.
Each believer has the kingdom of God within him and himself ex-
emplifies in a measure the principles of the kingdom, is indeed, so far
as he is Christlike, a constituent part of the Kingdom ; but all the
regenerate, as such, however far short of perfection they may fall,
constitute the church. The local church is made up theoretically of
the truly regenerate only ; as a matter of practice no amount of pre-
caution has ever succeeded in preventing the incoming of deceivers
or deceived.

(2) By some* the word is thought to contain an allusion to the
calling of believers, by God's grace, out of the darkness of sin and
condemnation into the light and liberty of the gospel covenant.
That this thought early entered into the use of the term scarcely ad-
mits of doubt. The constant use of the related terms *' calling,"
'* the called," etc., could hardly have failed to suggest this thought.

( 3) When the term is used in the general sense, there is no impli-
cation of any organic outward connection of the individual parts.
We speak, /./., of the press, or the bar, without implying any or-
ganic connection between the various individuals embraced by these
terms. Oneness of life and of purpose, involving fellowship and
mutual helpfulness as occasion may arise, is all that can be inferred
from this use of the term.

2. The Local Churches and Contemporary Organisations.
(i) The close relationship of the local churches of the

1 Cnmcr. * Jacob. " Ecc. Pol./' p. S; Hodge. " Ch. Pol.." p. t. uq., €t. mIs

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CHAP. IIL] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 12/

apostolic age to the Jewish synagogues is manifest to
every reader of the New Testament. It is probable that
among Jewish Christians the term synagogue was very
commonly employed to designate their assemblies. An
example of this usage is found in James 2 : 2. The apos-
tles habitually made the Jewish synagogues the point of
departure for their evangelistic efforts, and it would seem
that they transferred their labors from the synagogues to
other meeting-places only when determined opposition
among the members made continuance therein impracti-
cable. If the membership of any synagogue had been
united in accepting Jesus as Lord, there is no reason to
doubt but that it would thereby have been transformed
into a Christian church with such modifications only as
the newly received life might require. There is no in-
timation in the New Testament of the introduction of
presbyters as church officers. As a feature of synagogal
organization the eldership was too familiar an institution
to be considered worthy of remark. When a group of
believers, cast out of the synagogue, met together for
worship and for the carrying forward of Christian work,
it was perfectly natural that the older and more experi-
enced brethren should by common consent be entrusted
with the leadership and that these leaders should be de-
nominated presbyters or elders. Judaism recognized the
right of all parties of Jews to have their separate syn-
agogal meetings. Alexandrian Jews had their synagogue
in Jerusalem. In great cities Jews of different national-
ities had their separate synagogues. In Jerusalem espe-
cially, Christians long continued to regard themselves as
Jews, nay, as the only true Jews, and that they should
meet separately from other Jewish parties in synagogues
of their own was to be expected.

Each synagogue appears to have been normally self-
governing and independent. The Sabbath meetings were
presided over by the "ruler of the synagogue." In
close connection with each synagogue was a court of
elders (Sanhedrin, ffuvidptov), probably elected by the
membership of the synagogue from the older and more
experienced men, which had its regular meetings in the
house of worship and which constituted a court for the
trial of all local breaches of the law. The Sanhedrin

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128 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

consisted of at least three elders, of whom one was the
president. The plurality of elders in the early Christian
churches, a thing perfectly natural in itself, thus had
its prototype in the synagogue. As the early mission-
aries to the Gentiles, apostles and others, were for the
most part Jews or Jewish proselytes, the influence of the
synagogue on the organization of Gentile churches must
have been considerable.

(2) If any additional explanation of the organization of
Christian life in Gentile communities be thought need-
ful, it is furnished by the prevalence of the organizing
disposition in the Graeco-Roman world at that time.
Guilds, clubs, and societies for every imaginable purpose
existed everywhere. *' There were trade guilds and dra-
matic guilds ; there were athletic clubs and burial clubs
and dining clubs ; there were friendly societies and finan-
cial societies ; if we omit those special products of our
own time, natural science and social science, there was
scarcely an object for which men combine now for which
they did not combine then " * Nearly all such organiza-
tions had their religious features ; but distinctively re-
ligious organizations were also common. Vast numbers
conformed outwardly to the State religion, while in pri-
vate associations they followed the dictates of their own
consciences. Apart, therefore, from Jewish influ2nce, it
was the most natural thing in the world for those who
by accepting Christianity had made a breach with their
former religious and social customs to unite in societies
for mutual edification and support and for the carrying
forward of Christian work. Such secret associations
were looked upon with distrust by the Roman govern-
ment because of the danger of their becoming hotbeds of
treason. Hence the persecution to which Christians
were everywhere subjected. The general prevalence of
deep poverty among the classes from which Christianity
chiefly drew and the abounding charity that character-
ized early Christianity and helped to make it attractive
to the depressed classes had much to do with some of the
features of the church order of the early centuries.

1 Hatch* " Th« OrpuilMtioii of the Early Chrlttlaii Churches,'' p. •&. Mf . Hatch
ClvM coploos references to eplgraphlcal aB4 other literature and cites aany inter-

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CHAR lU.] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 129

While community of goods was not generally practised
in the apostolic churches, the generous support of the
poor everywhere prevailed. The collection and the dis-
tribution of charitable funds was one of the most im-
portant departments of Christian activity. The term
" bishop " and terms of similar meaning — overseer
(foroHMwroff), curator {hctfuk^nj^) — ^were in very common
use in contemporary pagan organizations, that those
who had the oversight of the Christian societies and to
whom the management of the common charities was
entrusted should be designated by the same terms is
what might have been expected. The process by which
the presiding presbyter or bishop came to be a monarch-
ical prelate will be shown in the next period.

3. The New Testament Churches xvere, in the Intention of
Jesus and of his Apostles^ made up exclusively of Baptised
^Believers. If unworthy persons found entrance into
Christian churches, whether as self-deceived or as de-
ceivers, they were not really of the churches and the
duty of withdrawing fellowship from such is inculcated
in the apostolic writings. There is no sufficient reason
for believing that the patriarchal idea, in accordance with
which the whole family, including infants, became as a
matter of course participants in all the religious privi-
leges of the paternal head, found place in primitive
Christianity. There is no intimation in the New Testa-
ment that baptism was intended to take the place of cir-
cumcision and thus to be applicable to infants. The
religion of the New Testament is individualistic and per-
sonal in the fullest sense of the terms. Christ insisted
that the tenderest relationships should be unhesitatingly
sundered for the sake of the gospel, and that fathers,
mothers, children, wives, and [>ossessions should be
hated in comparison with fidelity to him.

4. The Universal Priesthood of Believers is clearly a New
Testament Doctrine. This doctrine absolutely excludes
the idea of a special sacerdotal class in the church or in
the churches. It implies equality of rights and privi-
leges for the entire believing membership, but not iden-
tity of function. " To each one," says the Apostle Paul,
" is given the manifestation of the Spirit to profit withal "
(i Cor. 12 : 7). " There are diversities of gifts, but the

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130 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. L

same Spirit" (ver. 4), The apostle represents the
church as a body made up of many members, some
strong and comely, others weak and uncomely, some
whose functions are from the human point of view hon-
orable, others whose functions are without honorable
associations ; yet all alilce necessary, each to the whole
organism and each to the other. According to this view
of equality of right and diversity of gifts, the apostle
makes the following specifications : " And God hath set
some in the church, first apostles, secondly prophets,
thirdly teachers, then miracles, then gifts of healings,
helps, governments (or wise counsels), kinds of tongues."
The ''church" may mean, in this passage, either the
entire Christian fellowship or the local body of believ-
ers in Corinth. As the writer's aim was to inculcate
brotherly unity and co-operation in the church addressed,
the local application cannot be excluded. Spiritually
gifted brethren, set apart in an orderly manner because
of their gifts for the service of the body, were regarded
as servants and not masters. The edification of the
body was the matter of supreme moment. No one had
a right to refuse service to which he was called by the
vote of his brethren acting under the guidance of the
Spirit, and no one had a right to oppose himself to a
brother performing special functions so long as he ap-
peared to be guided by the Spirit.*

5. The Apostolic Churches were Independent, yet Inter-
dependent. Churches exercised over each other such
moral influence as their character for spiritual and prac-
tical wisdom warranted, and it was free to any church to
give or withhold fellowship with other churches or their
members according as they approved themselves worthy
of fellowship or the reverse. The church at Jerusalem,
as the mother-church and as the church-home for a
number of years of most of the original apostles, natu-
rally exerted for a time an influence beyond that of
other churches. This is manifest in the anxiety of Paul
to secure its approval of his work among the Gentiles.
But it is probable that he was almost as much concerned
to free his Jerusalem brethren from a narrowness that

I Harnack speaks of the " Independence and equality of each Individual Chris-
tian" (* Dogmtngtscbubu:' Bd. I., Sett. ifS)*

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CHAP, nt] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 131

he regarded as contrary to the spirit of the gospel and
to secure their moral support in the great work of world-
evangelization which he believed had been laid upon
him, as to gain their endorsement for his mission. There
is no reason to think that after the death of James the
Just the Jerusalem church eiijoyed any special consid-
eration. Apart from this instance there is no semblance
of a difference of rank among the apostolic churches.

Haraack speaks of " the independence and sovereignty of the local
churches" (GimsnuUu), as, in the opinion of Christians of the later
apostolic and the early post-apostolic times, •' resting upon the fact
that they (the churches) had the Spirit In their midst." If apostolic
authority was recognized, it was because the apostles were regarded
as divinely inspired.^ Hatch remarks: '*The theory upon which
the public worship of the primitive churches proce^ed was that
each community was complete in itself.' ' ' He explains how (from the
third century onward) " the Christian churches passed from their
original state of independence into a great confederation." Refer-
ring to Christian representative assemblies during the third century
and the letters sometimes addressed by them to other churches, he
remarks : " But so far from such letters having any binding force on
other churches, not even the resolutions of the conference were bind-
ing on a dissentient minority of its members." '

Cunningham remarks: ^' The first form of the church was con-
gregational, for every member took a part in its management and
every congregation was independent or every other and was a com-
plete church in itself." «

II. OFFICERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCHES.

In the earliest apostolic times the organization of the
churches seems to have been very slight, and the terms
applied to the various functionaries were not used with
technical exactness. Apart from the appointment of the
** seven men of good report, full of the Spirit and of wis-
dom " (Acts 6) to look after the distribution of the char-
ities, the only officials that we meet for some time are
the elders. It is probable that at first these were not
formally appointed to this position ; but that those who
by reason of age and experience were naturally looked
up to as leaders received this designation after the ex-
ample of the synagogues. Spiritual gifts, such as are
described in i Corinthians 12, were no doubt freely

* ** Dogmengescbicbtt" Bd, I., SeiL 157.

* " Orflrtnliatlon of the early Christian Churches.'* p. 79. ' iM,, 171*

« " The Growth of the Church." p. e].

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132 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I.

exercised without regard to formal invitation by the
churches or to official position.

1. Apostles. This term (equivalent to missionary) is
used in the New Testament in a narrower and a broader
sense. In the broader sense it included such mission-
aries as Barnabas, Apollos, Timothy, Silvanus, Andron-
icus, Junias, etc., and continued to be applied to a class
of itinerant evangelists until long after the apostolic age.
The presupposition in each case was that the person so
designated had been called and qualified by God for his
mission. In the narrower sense it is used of the Twelve,
who were specially chosen by Jesus and trained by him.
The place of Judas Iscariot was filled by the appointment
of Matthias, of whose career little is known. Paul claimed
equality with the Twelve because of his miraculous con-
version and the special manifestation to him of the risen
Christ. The apostles were missionaries at large and
seem not to have held official positions in any local
church. Even while the Twelve tarried in Jerusalem
their relation to the church does not seem to have been
official. "They served the church universal, devoting
themselves to the conversion of the world and thus to the
extension of the kingdom."* Their relations to churches
formed under their ministry were paternal. They could
advise and recommend, and even remonstrate, but their
authority was purely moral and their right to obedience
rested on the fact that their utterances were divinely in-
spired. The special divine inspiration of the apostles fit-
ted them to be the vehicle of divine revelation. Through
them the churches have received in authoritative form
the revelations of the New Covenant.

2. Prophets. To what extent prophets constituted a
distinct class in the apostolic churches is not clear.
Prophecy is recognized as a gift of the Spirit, and proph-
ets are placed next to apostles in i Corinthians 12.
A prophet is one who speaks forth under divine impulse
what has been divinely revealed to him. Prophecy in
the New Testament time commonly assumed the form of
inspired exposition of Old Testament Scripture. In Acts
13:1 Barnabas and Saul are mentioned, along with others.

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CHAP. III.] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 1 33

as " prophets and teachers " at Antioch. According to
Acts II : 27, "there came down prophets from Jerusalem
unto Antioch. And there stood up one of them named
Agabus and signified by the Spirit that there should be a
great famine." Judas and Silas, of the Jerusalem church,
are spoken of as prophets (Acts 15 : 32). Paul magnified
the gift of prophecy and desired that all the Corinthian
Christians might prophesy (i Cor. 14). It is probable
that ail of the apostles and all of the leading evangelists
of the apostolic age possessed this gift ; but doubtless
there were many whose chief endowment was prophecy
and who were known as prophets. Their authority, like
that of the apostles, was based upon the fact that they
were supposed to speak under divine prompting. As
pretended prophets were not wanting, it became neces-
sary to try the spirits. Paul exhorts the Thessalonians
not to despise prophesy ings, but to "prove all things."
The "discerning of spirits" is specified by Paul (i Cor.
12 : 10) among the gifts of the Spirit.

3. Teachers. Teaching is also regarded by Paul as a
gift of the Spirit. Apostles and prophets and most of the
prominent Christian workers were doubtless teachers ;
but it would seem that there were some in whom the gift
of teaching was especially prominent and who received
this designation. This divinely imparted gift fitted them
to instruct and edify the churches and entitled them to a
respectful hearing.

4. Evangelists. In Eph. 4:11 evangelists are mentioned,
after apostles and prophets, as Christ-given workers in
the Christian cause. The term is of course applicable
to all divinely called proclaimers of the gospel. These
four classes of Christian workers were not church oflfi-
cers in the restricted sense of the term. Those that fol-
low are church officers proper.

5. Presbyters or Bishops. The unofficial presbyters of
the earliest apostolic age were followed after a few years
by presbyters appointed by their brethren under the
advice often of apostolic men, and solemnly set apart by
the latter. Their functions were the administration of
discipline, the settlement of disputes among Christians,
the conducting of the public services, the administration of
the ordinances, the supervision of the charities^ and gen-

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134 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

eral oversight of the church community. Public teach-
ing and prophecy were not necessary functions of the
presbyterate ; but such gifts were not disregarded. It is
probable that in most communities the appointed presby*
ters were also teachers or prophets. It was not uncom-
mon that among the presbyters of a church some one
was so eminent for gifts and for elevation of character
as to acquire the practical leadership of the body. The
permanent chairman of the Board of presbyters became
the president or bishop of the second century, and his
position was analogous to that of a modern congrega-
tional pastor. In Eph. 4 : ii, 12 "pastors" are men-
tioned among those given by Christ '* for the perfecting
of the saints, unto the work of ministering, unto the build-
ing up of the body of Christ."

In Gentile churches the appointed and ordained elders
were commonly designated " bishops " or ** overseers."
The identity of appointed elders and bishops in the apos-
tolic age is now commonly admitted by Roman Catholic
and Anglican writers, and is insisted upon by scholars in
general. Both terms, when applied to church officers in
the New Testament usually occur in the plural. Some
interpreters suppose that the ** angel" of each of the
seven churches of Rev. 2 and 3 was the chief pastor or
head-presbyter. If so we have a New Testament paral-
lel to the bishop of the second century.

For full proof that In the New Testament a two-fold ministry
(bishops or presbyters, and deacons) and not a three-fold ministry
(bishops, presbyters, and deacons) is recognized, see Lightfoot,
*' Commentary on Philippians," p. gj.i/^., and the works of Hatch,
Cunningham, McGiffert, Hamack, Weizsacker, Jacob, Conybeare
and Howson, and Schaff, referred to In the " Literature." See
also article by the writer in Jenkens* '* Baptist Doctrines."

6. Deacons. It has commonly been assumed that
"the seven" appointed to *' serve tables" (Acts 6)
were deacons. The term means •* minister " or '* serv-
ant," and the corresponding verb and abstract noun, are
used with reference to any kind of ministry. All Chris-
tians are or should be deacons in this broad sense. The
seven were appointed for a particular kind of ministry,
namely, the distribution of the charities of the church.
But there is no evidence that this arrangement was long

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CHAP, m.] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 1 35

continued in the Jerusalem church or that it was adopted
by other churches in the earliest apostolic times. Many
modern writers see in the seven the germ of the Board
of appointed elders or bishops of the later time. It is
remarkable that, according to Acts 1 1 : 30, the relief sent
" unto the brethren that dwelt in Judsea ... by the
hand of Barnabas and Saul" was delivered "to the
elders," who no doubt distributed it to the needy. The
presence for some years of the apostles in Jerusalem
may have limited the functions of the elders there so
that they corresponded closely to those of the deacons
of churches otherwise conditioned, while the apostles
performed the work of spiritual guidance and instruction
elsewhere and later committed to the appointed elders or
bishops. The mention of deacons in the New Testa-
ment in the official sense is strikingly infrequent. In
Phil. I : I they are saluted along with the bishops of the
church, and in i Tim. 3 : 8, seq., their qualifications are
given after those of bishops. Equal elevation of char-
acter is required for the two offices, but aptness to teach
is not specified in the case of deacons. The " women "
mentioned in ver. 11, just after the qualifications of
deacons have been enumerated, may have been the wives
of deacons, but it is more probable that deaconesses are
meant, the word being naturally supplied from the con-
text. Phoebe is designated in Rom. 16 : i as a deacon-
ess of the church of Cenchreae. The term may be here
employed in its non-official sense.

In the completely organized churches of the later apos-
tolic age there was a Board of deacons side by side with
a Board of appointed elders or bishops, the former assist-
ing the latter in the gathering and the distribution of the
charities, in the exercise of discipline, and to some ex-
tent in the more spiritual work.

On the diaconate see Uhlhom's excellent discussion In his
•• Christian Charity In the Ancient Church," p. 74» «^.» and the
pertinent passages m the works of Hatch, Cunningham, Weizs-
acker, RitschI, Hamack, and McGiffert, referred to In the *' Litera-
ture.''

in. ORDINANCES OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCHES.

The religion of Christ is essentially free from mere
ceremonialism. The two ordinances established by

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136 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

Christ himself are of deep spiritual significance, but
having their ceremonial side were peculiarly liable to
perversion and were early degraded almost to a level
with heathen rites.

I. Baptism. Christian baptism is the immersion of a
believer in water as a symbol of death to sin and resur-
rection to newness of life. Jesus himself required bap-
tism at the hands of John the Baptist, meeting his re-
monstrance with the remark that "thus it becometh us
to fulfill all righteousness," and it was on this occasion
that his Divine Sonship was proclaimed from heaven
and that the Spirit rested upon him.

The meaning of the word, the description of the act
in individual cases, and the symbolism (burial and resur-
rection) all seem to fix the outward form of the ordi-
nance as immersion.

Our Lord's own direction regarding baptism makes it
follow faith, and the very nature of the ordinance ren-
ders it applicable exclusively to those capable of repent-
ance and faith.

Referring to the practice of the churches about the middle of the
second century, Harnack remarks : '* Descending and ascending in
baptism and immersion were regarded as highly important, but not
as indispensable symbols." This last statement he bases on the
" Teaching of the Twelve Apostles," which he supposes to have
been written as early as 160. Regarding infant baptism at the same
-i^CkM «tpx ^1 ^^^^* ^^ remarks : ^ A sure trace of infant baptism is not found in
*vx *vthis epoch; personal faith is a necessary condition." Again:
" Origen [third century] held It easy to lusnfy infant baptism, since
MWrtme^^ft^^ he recognized something sinful in bodily birth itself, and since he
jc \a«L >x .V knew of sins that were committed in an earlier life. The oldest at-
» ^ tempt to justify infant baptism, accordingly, goes back to a philo-

sophical doctrine." *

Hauck, referring to New Testament baptism, remarks : " Baptism
probably always took place through immersion in flowing water."
As regards the subjects of baptism he has the following : " That in
the New Testament is found no direct trace of infant baptism must
be regarded as firmly established -, attempts to prove its necessity
from the manner of Its institution, its practice from such passages
as Acts 2 : 39 ; i Cor. i : 16, suffer from the defect that the thing to
be proved is presupposed." ' In relation to the introduction of infant
baptism Loots remarks : *' Infant baptism first provable in Irenseus,
still combated by Tertuliian, was to Origen an apostolic usage." '

1 " 'Dogmtiueichicbte," Bd, I.. Sett. 190, 358.

• Art " r«f/<." in the '* Real-Bncyklapidte" second ed., Bd. XV.. Seii, no, seo.

> *' 'DogmemgetOicHe" Sttt. 1)7.

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CHAP, in.] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 1 37

Such citations from tlie foremost German and Anglican
authorities might be multiplied. A remark by Zenos, a
learned American Presbyterian, is so out of harmony
with the results of German and English scholarship as
regards the form of apostolic baptism that it may be
quoted as a curiosity : " Not only adults, but households
were its subjects. As it was a mere symbol of cleans-
ing, sometimes sprinkling, sometimes affusion of water,
and sometimes, perhaps, immersion in water were em-
ployed, each mode being regarded as sufficient and
valid/' ^ He gives no authorities for this almost unique
view.

2. TTie Lard's Supper and the Agapai (dydicat). The
Lord's Supper as an ordinance was based upon the pas-
chal supper which Jesus ate with his disciples just before
his crucifixion. Luke alone of the evangelists records
our Lord's injunction, " This do in remembrance of me."
John's account of the paschal supper is occupied almost
wholly with Judas' treachery, and makes no mention of
the distribution of the bread and the wine to the disci-
ples as his body and his blood. John is unique in re-
cording the washing of the disciples' feet. The institu-
tion of the Supper was in connection with the paschal
meal ; but the giving of thanks and the distribution of
the bread and the wine with appropriate remarks were
distinct from and followed the paschal meal proper.
This feature is wholly omitted in John's narrative. It is
difficult to decide whether anything like a ceremonial
observance of the Supper is referred to in Acts 2 : 46 :
" And day by day, continuing stedfastly with one ac-
cord in the temple, and breaking bread at home, they did
take their food with gladness and singleness of heart."
If so, it was simply the ordinary meals of the Christians
sanctified and spiritualized by their intense religious fer-
vor. The "breaking of bread," in Acts 20 : 7, 11, fol-
lowing a prolonged discourse of Paul at a gathering of
believers, was almost certainly a memorial feast ; but
It is probable that it was a ** love-feast " as well.
There is no conclusive evidence that during the apostolic
age the Supper and the " love-feast " (agapai— ^dnat)

^ « •• Co«p. •# Clmrcii HIttory/' p. •!.

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138 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

existed as separate institutions. The term *' love-feasts '*
occurs in the New Testament, possibly designating a
Christian collation, only in 2 Peter 2:13: *' Revelling
in their love-feasts while they feast with you/' where
many ancient authorities (preferred by Westcott and
Hort) read " in their deceivings " (a^teis— dirdraif), and
in Jude 12, a closely related passage, where of certain
vile heretics it is said : ** These are they who are hidden
rocks (or spots) in your love-feasts, when they feast with
you. •' Many ancient authorities here also read '* in their
deceivings." These passages furnish at best a very slen-
der basis for any theory regarding the manner of cele-
brating the Supper at this time.

The fullest and most instructive account of the ordi-
nance in the apostolic age is that of Paul in i Cor. 10 and
II. In 10 : 16-22, the apostle, warnijig the Corinthian
Christians against idolatrous practices, writes: "The
cup of blessing which we bless, is it not a communion of
(or participation in) the blood of Christ ? The bread
(loaf) which we brearic, is it not a communion of the body
of Christ? seeing that we, who are many, are one
bread (Ioa0» one body." Those who rightly partake of
the Christian feast cannot, without the gravest incon-
sistency, partake of things sacrificed to idols. *' Ye can-
not drink the cup of the Lord, and the cup of demons :
ye cannot partake of the table of the Lord, and the
table of demons." Again (chap. 11), referring to di-
visions in the church that make it impossible for them
when they assemble *' to eat the Lord's Supper," Paul ad-
ministers a severe rebuke to their selfish and unchristian
behavior as follows : " For in your eating each one taketh
before other his own supper ; and one is hungry, and
another is drunken." What the apostle condemns is
not the fraternal meal in which a sufficiency of food is
provided for all, and in which rich and poor participate
freely on a footing of equality, thus remembering their
common Saviour and manifesting Christian love for each
other ; but the selfish gratification of appetite on the
part oif some in disregard of others, to the destruction of
brotherly love. Such a meal could not properly be called
" the Lord's Supper " ; for the spirit of it was diametric-
ally opposed to the spirit of the gospel. Jhose who

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CHAP. Illi] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 1 39

manifested such greed and such lack of brotherly love
could not possibly discern the Lord's body in the feast,
and the pretence of eating the " Lord's Supper " in-
volved the unworthy participants in the divine judgment
that rests upon hypocrisy and sacrilege.

Paul connects the Supper thus grossly perverted by
the Corinthian Christians, with our Lord's Supper with
his disciples 'Mn the night in which he was betrayed."
He gives substantially the same account of Jesus' words
on this occasion as we find in Luke's Gospel. More even
than Luke he emphasizes the Lord's injunction, " This
do in remembrance of me," specifying the memorial
character of the Supper in connection with the distribu
tion of both the bread and the wine, and adding the
words, '' For as often as ye eat this bread, and drink the
cup, ye proclaim the Lord's death till he come."

It is not a little remarkable the New Testament con-
tains so few notices of the celebration of this ordinance.
Outside of the doubtful passages referred to in Acts 2
and in 2 Peter and Jude, the notices are confined to
Paul's Epistles and to the portions of the Acts that relate
to his work. And even in these portions of Scripture
they are few, and except in i Corinthians, without de-
tail. But the universal celebration ot the ordinance in
the early post-apostolic time makes it certain that the
apostolic churches generally remembered the Lord in this
way.

The following remarks are suggested by the facts that
have been considered :

(i) The Lord's Supper was in its intention and in the
practice of the apostolic churches a means of manifest-
ing brotherly love, and of commemorating the Lord's
atoning work on the part of baptized believers, that is,
of those who had been received into the Christian fel-
lowship through profession of saving faith in Christ fol-
lowed by baptism.

(2) It seems certain that the bread and the wine were
not partaken of in minute quantities as at present. The
abuses that grew out of the more 'abundant partaking of
food and drink, condemned so vigorously by Paul, and
the vast growth in the membership of churches render-
ing it inconvenient for them to come together frequently

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140 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.i

for the fraternal meal, led to the celebration of the Sup-
per in a more ceremonial manner with the use of small
quantities of bread and wine and the separate and per-
haps less general use of the social meal (a/^airac).

Feet-washing has by some been regarded as a Christian ordi-
nance, on the basis of our Lord's example, who at the last paschal
supper washed his disciples' feet, and of nis words (John 13 : i4« i j) :
•• If 1 then, the Lord and the Master, have washed your feet, ye also
ought, to wash one another's feet. For I have given you an exam-
ple, that ye should do as I have done unto you." The only other
New Testament reference to the washing of feet is that in i Tim. 5 :
10, where the fact of having "washed the saints' feet" is given
among the qualifications of widows as officially recognized benefici-
aries and workers in the churches. There is no indication in the
New Testament, or in the Christian literature of the first three cen-
turies, that our Lord was understood to have instituted an ordinance
by the acts and words under consideration. Feet-washing was a
common and needed act of hospitality in Palestine at the time, and
the teaching that Christ intended to convey was the manifestation of
the spirit of brotherly love in acts of humble service.

The eariiest reference to the ceremonial use of feet-washing is in
the canon of the synod of Elvira (y^) where it is condemned. Au-
gustine (end of the fourth century), who mentions it among the ob-
servances of Maundy Thursday (the day of the Last Supper), states
that lest it should appear to oe in any way essential to the sacra-
ment (Supper) many churches had never admitted the custom at aii.^
Ambrose mentions it at about the same time as in use at Milan. The
synod of Toledo (694) excluded from communion such as should
refuse on Maundy Thursday to participate In this ceremony.' Ber-
nard (twelfth century) wrote of feet-washing as "a sacrament of
the remission of daily sins." The practice prevailed to some
extent in the Greek Church. In modem times the pope, the em-
perors of Austria and Russia, the kings of Spain, Portugal, and
Bavaria, and bishops and abbots of the Roman Catholic Church,
have each twelve poor men brought in on Maundy Thursday, and
wash their feet. Many Anabaptists (including Mennonites), some
Baptist parties, the Moravian Brethren, and the Sandemanians,
have practised ceremonial feet- washing.

It is probable that our Lord did not mtend to enjoin its ceremonial
observance, but that at the last Supper he simply aimed to emphasize
the duty of humble service. The great mass of evangelical Chris-
tians have thus understood the matter and have regarded with dis-
favor the literal imitation of Jesus' act.

IV. WORSHIP— ELEMENTS, TIMES, AND PLACES.

I. Elements of IVaribip. The worship of the early
Christians was very free and informal. It consisted of

> •• EMf.r CXVni. and cxix.
• BiBtoriB. " DtnkwmrditMtm/' Bd. V., S€ii, 004.

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CHAP, ni.] CONSTITUTION OF APOSTOLIC CHURCHES 141

prayer, the singing of psalms, and the reading and expo-
sition of the Old Testament Scriptures (prophesying).
The participation in worship was not confined to the
official members, but to every male member it was per-
mitted to utter his apprehension of truth. The ordinary
services of the early churches were very similar to those
of a good prayer meeting at the present time.

2. Times of Wcrsbip. The Jewish Christians con-
tinued fora long time to observe the Jewish Sabbath, as-
sembling also on the Lord's Day. The Jewish Sabbath
seems never to have been enjoined upon the Gentile
churches ; and we find early in the second century the
first day of the week observed as a matter of course.

(i) The process of the change was probably as fol-
lows: At first the Jewish Sabbath and the Lord's Day
were celebrated by most Christian communities. Two
circumstances led to the abandonment of the former.
First: The inconvenience of celebrating two days in
immediate proximity. Secondly : The spirit of opposi-
tion to the extreme Judaizers. Christians saw that a
large and influential party was trying to make Christian-
ity a mere Jewish sect. They were disposed, therefore,
to reject as much as possible of the Jewish ceremonial.

(2) With regard to the propriety of the change, two
views have obtained currency among those who defend
't : First : That the Sabbath is of perpetual obligation
but that the essential idea is that of rest and worship on
one day in seven. As the resurrection of the Son of
God is to Christians of fundamental importance, it was
fitting that the one day in seven should be made to coin-
cide with the day of this great event. Second : Chris-
tianity in its ideal form is entirely without ceremonial
and holy days. All days alike are holy, and are to be
spent in the service of God. But as actual Christianity
is not ideally perfect, and as Christians are obliged to
engage in secular callings, etc., it is necessary that there
should be some fixed time for special religious services.
Christianity had a right to adopt any day for this pur-
pose. As a matter of fact it very appropriately adopted
the day on which the Saviour rose from the dead.

3. Plaus of Worship. The Jerusalem Christians met
for a time partly in the temple and partly in an upper

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142 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. I

room. The apostles, in their missionary work, went first
to the Jewish synagogues. When driven from the syna-
gogues they commonly held their meetings in private
houses. It is probable that during the later apostolic age
the Christians of Rome made considerable use of the
catacombs (underground burial places) for religious pur-
poses. Domitilla, banished under Domitian, is said to
have given land for Christian catacombs. Not until the
first half of the third century did the Christians build
houses of worship.

V. METHODS OF CHRISTIAN PROPAGANDISM.

The primitive Christians were essentially missionary.
Each believer regarded it as incumbent on himself per-
sonally to propagate the faith that had saved him.
Christians worked :

1. Privately; among friends and relations, by whom,
however, they were often cast off as a result of their be-
coming Christians.

2. In the Oriental cities and villages the custom of
talking at the corners of the streets prevailed to a great
extent. An earnest Christian would thus frequently
find opportunity to draw together a knot of hearers and
to tell them of Christ.

3. Artisans of various sorts often found opportunity to
spread the gospel among their fellow-workmen.

4. After the time of the Apostle Paul, most of the
spread of the gospel was effected, not by direct mission-
ary efforts, but by the moving hither and thither through-
out the empire of artisans and tradesmen, who planted
Christianity wherever they went. So also Christianity
was frequently spread by persecution, each fugitive
forming a new center of Christian influence.

5. The burning enthusiasm of the early Christians
was contagious. The minds of many were troubled.
They could no longer believe in the decaying paganism
which the philosophers had taught men to despise.
Christianity, as represented by its enthusiastic devotees,
met the felt needs of men. Its doctrine of the equality
of all men before God, and of the worth of all human
souls, its promises of future happiness, such as would
make present sufferings of small consideration, tending

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CHAP, iil] constitution of apostolic churches 143

to elevate them and to deliver them from despair. The
abounding charity of the early Christians, at a time when
poverty and distress abounded, drew to their fellowship
multitudes of the depressed classes.

6. The Christians were obliged to labor for the
most part secretly. They could not hold public services
to which the unconverted could be invited. Their as-
semblies for worship were almost exclusively of church-
members. Only after one had been led to accept Christ
did he gain access to the conventicles of the Christians.
But the degree of secrecy necessary varied greatly at
different times and at different places. While the
Christians were on amicable terms with the Jews, whose
religion was tolerated, they had more freedom. When
they became objects of hatred to the Jews their freedom
was less.

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PERIOD II

FROM THE END OF THE APOSTOLIC AGE TO

THE CONVERSION OF CONST AN-

TINE (100-312)

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CHAPTER I

REUTION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE ROMAN EMPIRE

FROM THE TIME OF THE APOSTLES TILL THE

ADOPTION OF CHRISTIANITY AS THE

RELIGION OF THE EMPIRE

Vol. XL, p. 434» «*^.; Neander, VoL 1., P. 06, s^q,; Schaff, Vol.
IL, p. 31, S4q,; Ramsay, *'The Church in the Roman Empire";
Harcly, **C. PlinH Secmdi Epistola" especially the Introduction ;
Pfleiderer, ^*Das Urchristtntkum** ; Bruno Bauer, ** Christtu u. d,
Qaionn^'* ; Arnold, ** Studuu {ur Gssch. d. plmianishen Christew
vtrfolgung*^ ; Neumann, ** Der torn. Stoat u. d. allgtmeuu Kirchi
his auf DiokUtian^^ ; Mommsen, "History of Rome: the Prov-
inces'^; Aliard, '* Hist, d^s Psrsscutums*' : Addis, "Christianity
and the Roman Empire"; Uhlhorn, "Conflict of Christianity
with Heathenism " ; Moeller, " History of the Christian Church,*^*
Vol. I., p. 74. siq,, 87, ssq., 159, seq,, 190, seq.j AuW, ''Hist, dts
P$rs, ds I'Egliss^; Renan, ** Marc-Auriu** ; Kclm, '^ Rom u, d.
Christtnthum** ; Mason, "The Persecution of Diocletian"; Meri-
vale, " History of Rome Under the Emperors " ; Overbeck, " Stw
dim {ur Gtsch. </. alt, Ktrchsy^ Bd. I., Stit, 93, siq.: Pressensi,
" Martyrs and Apologists," p. 67, seq. ; Gibbon, Chap. XVI. ;
Gieseler, " Church History," Vol. I., p. no, stq. ; Niebuhr, *' History
of Rome," Vol. III., passim; Mossman, " Early Christian Church,"
p. 144, ssq. ; Alzog, " Universal Church History," Vol. I., p. 169,
siq, ; Wieseler, " 'Dis Christmoirfolgmgen der Cofsaren " ; Liffhtfoot,
"Ignatius," Vol. I., pp. iHSg; Hardy, ^* Christianity and the Roman
Government," 1894 ; Schiller, " dsch, d. torn. Kaistrtsit/* 1883-87 ;
Seek, " Gesch. d. UnUrtoMfs d. ontikM IVgtt," Vol. I., 1895 ; Gregg,
" The Decian Persecution " ( Hulsean Prize Essay for i8g6) ; Over-
beck, ''Studim ptr Gtsch, d, alt. Kirch4** i^works on the Catacombs,
by De Rossi, Northcote and Brownlow, Parker, etc. Articles on the
various emperors In Smith and Wace, " Dictionary of Christian
Biography," and in the general and religious encyclopedias. The
articles in the new edition of the Herzog-Hauck " Rsal-Encyklopadit "
are particulariy valuable.

I. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.

I. The apostles had labored and died in spreading the
gospel. Throughout Asia Minor, Greece, Italy, and pos-

«47

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148 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL

sibly even farther west, the gospel had been preached and
Christian churches established. Christianity had now
to make its way without apostolic aid, in the face of ob-
stacles that to human apprehension must have seemed
well-nigh insuperable.

2. We sliall see that Christians were everywhere per-
secuted, but that persecution, for the most part, tended
to spread rather than suppress the truth.

3. We shall see that Christianity entered upon its
career almost void of literary and philosophical culture
and social standing, and that at the close of this period
it had drawn to itself the culture of the age and had
gained the homage of kings.

4. We shall see that this accession of culture had its
disadvantages as well as its advantages ; for along with
culture came philosophical error and imitations of pagan
ceremonial observances.

5. We shall see that as soon as Christianity came to
be forwarded by any other thai', legitimate means, as
soon as increase of power and respectability was set up
as an object of endeavor, a door was thrown open for
the entrance of all sorts of abuses.

6. In general, we may characterize the present period
as the period of the gradual growth and the gradual cor-
ruption of Christianity until it became strong enough on
the one hand to make its adoption by the empire a mat-
ter of policy, and corrupt enough on the other to rejoice
in such adoption.

n. CAUSES OF PERSECUTION.

Christianity was a rdigio Ulicita. It was the policy of
the Roman Empire to tolerate the religions of conquered
peoples, so long as they would not attempt to proselyte.
Judaism was a relirio licita, Christianity, so far as it
was distinguished from Judaism, was reckoned among
secret societies or collegia which were contrary to law.
Cicero* says: '* Separately let no one have gods, nor
may they worship privately new or foreign gods unless
they have been publicly recognized." Gaius,* speak-
ing of forbidden associations, says : '• Neither a society

I *« D« Legfbut.'* Bk. 11.. Cluir. I. • Bk. III.. Chap. 4. 1 1.

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CHAf'.L] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE I49

nor college, nor body of this kind, is conceded to all pro-
miscuously ; for this thing is coerced (regulated) by laws
or codes of the Senate and imperial (or princely) consti*
tutions." The essentially proselyting spirit of Chris-
tianity was an additional cause of its unlawfulness.

2. Christianity was a religion which aspired to uni-
versality. Christ's kingdom was to be set up through-
out the whole earth. With the Romans the State was
the chief thing. Religion was to be promoted only in so
far as it served the interests of the State. The Chris-
tians had no sympathy with this idea, and their enemies
lost no opportunity to represent Christianity as danger-
ous to the State. This brought upon them the enmity
of rulers.

3. Christianity was a religion hated by the influential
classes. The withdrawal of Christians from social inter-
course with the pagans, rendered necessary by the idol-
atrous practices connected with every department of life,
caused the Christians to be looked upon as enemies of
the human race. Their refusal to participate in idolatrous
rites and to frequent the temples, and the exclusion from
their homes and, of necessity, their persons of all symbols
of idolatry, led them to be looked upon as atheists — ene-
mies of the gods. As enemies of mankind and of the
gods, they were regarded with the profoundest abhor-
rence by the people in general. Nothing was too bad to
be believed of such people. The Christians were known
to assemble at night secretly ; they were observed to be
very fond of each other. What but the gratification of
lust could be the motive of such assemblies ? As they
assembled in considerable numbers, the gratification of
lust must be promiscuous. What could be more natural
than to ascribe to this mysterious, ungodly people the
additional crime of eating the bodies and drinking the
blood of the offspring of their orgies ? The standing
charges against (ihristianity^ therefore, for several gen-
erations were atheism, promiscuous licentiousness, and
cannibalism. See the ** Apologies" of Justin Martyr,
Athenagoras, Tertullian, and Origen, in which these
accusations are stated and refuted. Most of the persecu-
tion which the Christians suffered was the result of this
popular hatred.

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4. The fact that Christianity was recruited chiefly
from the poor and the outcast caused Christianity to be
looked down upon by the respectable and by those who
would be regarded as respectable.

5. Christians shared with Jews the contempt which
the Romans always had for this people— only they were
regarded as far worse and were without the protection
which the Jews enjoyed even after the destruction of
Jerusalem. After the Jewish rebellion of A. D. 135 their
advantages over Christians probably ceased or were
greatly diminished.

6. Christianity, by its enthusiasm, shocked the sensi-
bilities of many of the purest and best philosophers.
These might have been expected to favor Christianity ;
but they regarded it rather as a wild fanaticism which
could only do harm to its adherents.

7. Christianity came into conflict with the temporal
interests of certain classes, as priests, venders of sacrifi-
cial animals, makers and venders of idols. Many perse-
cutions were aroused by such persons, as in the New
Testament times, so later.

8. The occurrence of famines, earthquakes, military
reverses, conflagrations, etc., frequently furnished occa-
sion for the persecution of the Christians, who, as ene-
mies of the gods, were supposed to be the cause of the
evils.

III. TREATMENT OF CHRISTIANS BY DIFFERENT EMPERORS.

Many of the emperors during the second and third cen-
turies were men of great moderation, and might have
been expected to abolish persecution. But we shall see
that in some instances the most violent persecutions oc-
curred under the wisest and most upright rulers. This
is to be accounted for in part by the fact that such men
were more likely than others to adhere rigidly to the
laws against unauthorized religions ; were more anxious
than others to maintain the splendor of the old religion ;
were more repelled by the, to them, fanatical proceed-
ings of the Christians ; were more under the influence
of philosophers, who showed great enmity toward Chris-
tianity and wrote against it {e. g. Marcus Aurelius was
greatly influenced by Stoic and Cynic philosophers).

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CHAP. I.] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 151

I. From Trajan to Marcus Aurelius (98-161). (i)
Trajan (98-117), one of the best of Roman emperors, is
the first with regard to whom we know certainly that
he formally proscribed secret societies, among which
Christian churches were included. He had no true con-
ception of Christianity, agreeing with his friends Tacitus
and Pliny in regarding it as a '' bad and immoderate su-
perstition." Our most trustworthy knowledge of his
attitude toward Christianity is derived from the letter
of Pliny, the younger, governor of Bithynia, asking for
information with regard to the right method of dealing
with Christians, and the rescript of Trajan {c. A. D.
112). Pliny states that he has never had anything to
do with the trial of Christians and therefore is ignorant
what and how great punishment ought to be inflicted ;
whether there ought to be any discrimination in respect
of age ; whether favor should be shown to the penitent ;
whether they should be punished for the shameful repu-
tation attached to the name, if nothing shameful be
proved in individual cases. His method of procedure,
meanwhile, is declared to be : to question those who are
brought before him as to whether they are Christians,
threatening punishment if they persist, and sending to
prison those that refuse to curse Christ and offer sacri-
fice to the gods and to the image of the emperor;
others, who were Roman citizens, he had noted down to
be sent to Rome ; those who denied being Christians he
had liberated. He thinks it important that some definite
method of procedure should be agreed upon, because so
great a number are involved. Those who confess to
having been Christians, but now reject Christianity,
inform him that the sum of their error was that they
were accustomed to assemble before light ; to sing a
hymn to Christ ; to promise that they would commit no
crime — ^theft, robbery, adultery, embezzlement of en-
trusted funds ; and later in the day to partake of a meai
in common. In order to arrive at the truth more assur-
edly, Pliny had tortured two female slaves, who were
called ministry (possibly deaconesses), but had learned
nothing beyond the fact that Christianity was a bad and
immoderate superstition. By his proceedings he had
brought it about that the temples, before almost deso-

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1 52 A AUNUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II

lated, had begun to be frequented ; sacrifices, long since
suspended, had been resumed ; the feeding of victims
had been taken up, etc. He refers to an imperial man-
date forbidding secret societies (Jutcerut) which he is
attempting to enforce. He intimates that the Christians,
in consideration of his prohibition of secret societies, had
given up their social gatherings, and there is no intima-
tion that their punishment was for violation of this law.'
Trajan replies that Pliny has acted properly in the cases
mentioned ; and that no universal rule can be laid down.
Christians are not to be sought out for persecution, but
when legally arraigned are to suffer for their violation of
the laws.

The precise attitude of Trajan toward Christianity is still a mat-
ter of controversy. Christian writers of the succeeding time took a
highly favorable view of his tolerance. Mellto of Sardis (e, 170)
seems to have regarded him as a protector of Christians.' Lactan-
tius ignores his persecutions, while Eusebius seeks to free Trajan
himself from responsibility for such i)ersecutions as occurred dunng
his reign, and gives him credit for mitigating the violence of persecu-
tion. Mediaeval legend represented him as having been released
from infernal torments through the intercession of Pope Gregory I.
Most modem critics have gone as far in the opposite direction, main-
taining that Trajan's rescript introduces a new era in the relation of
the empire to Christianity distinctly more unfavorable to the latter.
This view is taken by Gieseler, Overbeck, Aub6, Uhlhom, Keim,
Renan, $t al. Lightfoot, who thinks it probable that Nero issued a
distinct prohibition of Christianity, maintains that Trajan intro-
duced no new policy, but simply gave his sanction to the carrying
out of a policy that had prevailed from the time of Nero. Hardy is
inclined to regard Trajan*s rescript ** as favorable, and as rather
discouraging persecution than legalizing it.'* ' it is probable that
up to this time *' there was no express law or formal edict against
the Christians in particular. . . They had before this been classed
generally as outlaws (hosUs publici) and enemies to the fundamental
principles of society and government, of law and order, and the ad'
mission of the name Christian in itself entailed condemnation. . .
While Trajan felt bound to carry out the established principle, his
personal view was opposed to It, at least to such an extent that he
ordered Pliny to shut his eyes to the Christian offense, until his at-
tention was expressly directed to an individual case by a formal
accuser." * The fact seems to be that Trajan was not a wanton
persecutor, and that he meant to discourage malicious informers, but
that as emperor he felt the necessity of upholding the laws and
maintaining the State religion. So far as our information goes, the

> Pliny, Bk. X., Ep. 06, m. < EuMblus. " Hisi. Bee.:* Bk. IV.. Chap. «&

i^*C. Plimii SeeumKBpp,:* d. 6a, uq,
^I^ABMy, *' The Church in the Roman Enplr«. ' Chap. X.. •specially p. as}.

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CHAP. I.] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 1 53

only persecutions with which Trajan had anything to do were the
Bitnvnian, under Pliny, that at Jerusalem, in which Symeon suf-
fered, and that at Antloch, in which Ignatius was the chief victim.

(2) Hadrian (i 17-138) had little faith in the popular
religion and took considerable interest in foreign cults ;
but he regarded the maintenance of the religious estab-
lishment as a political necessity. He was strongly op-
posed to the violent outbursts of popular hatred against
Christians, very common at this time. He declared that
no accusations against Christians were to be received,
except such as were in legal form. Justin Martyr ap-
peals in his ''First Apology/' addressed to Antoninus
Pius (c. 152), to a rescript of Hadrian, of which he gives
the text. The rescript (addressed to Minucius Funda-
nus, proconsul of Asia about 124) forbids riotous proceed-
ings and information where gain seems to be the motive.
'' if any one, therefore, accuses them and shows that
they are doing anything contrary to the laws, do you
pass judgment according to the heinousness of the crime.
But, by Hercules ! if any one bring an accusation
through mere calumny, decide in regard to his criminal-
ity and see to it that you inflict punishment." The au-
thenticity of this document has been called in question
by Baur, Keim, Lipsius, Overbeck, Aube, McGiflfert, et
al. Its genuineness is defended by Ramsay, Lightfoot,
Mommsen, Funk, Uhlhorn, Ranke, Moeller, et al., who,
however, do not understand Hadrian as aiming to shield
Christians so much as to discourage tumultuary proce-
dures. The fact that it appears in an almost contempora-
neous writing (Justin's '' Apology ") is highly favorable
to its authenticity. That a forgery should have become
current during the lifetime of its alleged author, and
especially that a forged imperial edict should have been
incorporated in an apology addressed to the succeeding
emperor, is scarcely credible.

Mommsen remarks : " The groundless suspicions cast on the gen-
uineness of this document are the best proof now little capable recent
writers are of understanding the attitude in which the Roman gov-
ernment stood to the Christians.'' ' Lightfoot: ** Not only is this
rescript no stumbling-block when confronted with the history of the

> Quoted by Ramsay, p. jm.

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154 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL

times ; some exact action on the part of the emperor is required to
explain the history."^ Ramsay exposes in a teiling manner the
absurdity of the objections raised by Keim and others to the genu-
jneness of this document.

The Jewish insurrection against the empire, under
Barcochab, occurred during this reign (135). Large
numbers of Christians in Palestine were slain by the
infuriated Jews. The suppression of the insurrection
was followed by a loss of privileges on the part of the
Jews. Hadrian now built on the site of Jerusalem Aelia
Capitolina and erected a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus
on the temple area. Jews were forbidden to enter the
city or even to see from a distance the land of their
fathers.* Whereas before the Jews had held a more fa-
vorable position than the Christians, the Christians were
now regarded with far more favor than the Jews. This
was an important gain for Christianity, and led, doubt-
less, to the overthrow of Judaistic tendencies in the Chris-
tian church. Yet Christianity was still a religio illidta.
The pastor of the Roman church, Telesphorus, and many
others, suffered martyrdom at this time.

It is not even stated that the name Christian is no longer crimi-
nal. The rescript left it open for provincial governors either to inflict
severe penalties on the Christians or to discourage their arraignment
to such an extent as to involve virtual toleration. The ** Apology of
Quadratus," unfortunately lost, was addressed to Hadrian. The
progress of Christianity during this reign in numbers, learning,
wealth, and social influence must have been very marked ; yet perse-
cution was not wanting.

(3) Antoninus Pius (i 38-161) was one of the wisest
and most upright of emperors. His biographer, Capito-
linus, claims that, so far as he is personally concerned,
he enjoys the almost unique distinction of being free
from civil and hostile bloodshed.* During his reign
various public calamities occurred — famine, the Inun-
dation of the Tiber, earthquakes, conflagrations at
Rome, Antioch, and Carthage. These aroused the
people against the Christians, who were supposed,
by forsaking the gods, to have brought on these ca-
lamities. The emperor attempted to shield the Chris-

' " IgiMtius/' Vol I., p. 478, second ed. < Eusebius, Bk. VI. »Ch«|>. XII|.

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;hap. I.] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 1^5

tions from popular rage, but not with complete success. In
an edict (found in Eusebius, ''Hist Ecc.y Bk. IV., Chap.
13, the spuriousness of which is now generally admitted),
Antoninus rebukes the pagans for their violence, telling
them that if the Christians have offended the gods, the
gods ought to be left to take vengeance for them-
selves and that they (pagans) confirm the Christians in
their minds by accusing them of impiety. He contrasts
the cheerfulness of Christians in calamities with the ter-
ror of the pagans. He commands that if any persist in
raising tumults against the Christians they shall be pun-
ished.

Although this document in the form in which we have
it is unquestionably a forgery, there is no sufficient
reason to doubt but that Antoninus did issue an edict,
with the design of protecting Christians against mob
violence.

The early Christian tradition that he favored the Christians (Me-
Ilto.f. A. D. 170, Tertullian, early In the third century) must have
rested on a basis of fact. Mellto, in his ** Apology " addressed to
Marcus Aurellus, says : ** And thy father, when thou also wast rul-
ing with him, wrote to the cities, forbidding them to take any new
measures against us; among the rest to the Larisssans. to the
Thessalonlans. to the Athenians, and to all the Greeks." ^ Har-
nack regards the edict as essentially genuine, but supposes that it
midfered repeated interpolations.'

It is remarkable that while Eusebius ascribes the doc-
ument to Antoninus, the inscription, as quoted by him-
self, assigns it to Marcus Aurelius.

Christianity showed remarkable energy and underwent remarka-
ble changes about this time. Gnosticism was at its height. The
•• Apology of Aristides," recentiy brought to light, was a product of
this reign. Justin Martyr wrote many of his works, including his
•• Apology," under this emperor, and It was in the latter part of his
reign that Polycarp of Smyrna died a martyr's death. Harnack
attributes the rise or the monarchical episcopate to this time, and he
finds here the beginning of the process of consolidation in opposi-
tion to Gnosticism that was to result in the formation of the Roman
Catholic church.' Montanism had its rise at this time. Christian
literature was greatiy enriched.

1 Quoted by Eusebius, Bk. IV.. Chap. 96.

f "C*roM/<if^«." 0</. 1.. Stit. 709, and " Ttxtt und Untersuebuugtm,'* Bd, XIU., /#f/f 4-

*Art. "Antoninus Pius." In *' Rtai-Encfklopadtt,'^ third ed.

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156 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.lt

2. From Marcus Aurelius to Decius (161-249). By the
time of Marcus Aurelius Christianity had become an
important element in society. Conscious of its strength,
it had become bold and aggressive. Many cultivated
men had come into the church and were devoting their
powers to its defense. Most of the persecutions dur-
ing this time had for their object the restoration of the
declining paganism to its original splendor and power.

(I) Marcus Aurelius (161-180) was educated as a
philosopher and was imbued with the ethical principles
of eclectic Stoicism. He was simple and temperate in
life and sought to rule justly. Yet Christians suffered
under him more severely than under any emperor since
Nero, whose cruelty he abhorred and whom he pro-
nounced "not a man." The enthusiasm of Christians
seemed to him mere fanaticism, and their steadfastness
under persecution he looked upon not as fidelity to a
high principle, but rather as obstinacy in disobedience to
constituted authority. His teacher, Fronto, had given
him an early and decided bias against Christianity, and
the Cynic philosopher, Crescens, the bitter opponent of
Justin Martyr, had confirmed him in his aversion. While
he had little faith in the State religion, like Hadrian he
regarded its maintenance as a political necessity ; and
he not only withheld from Christians the protection from
popular violence that had been accorded to them by
Trajan and his successors, but he encouraged and pro-
moted persecution.

This reign, like the preceding, was remarkable for
calamities. Earthquakes more terrible than those under
Antoninus, destructive inundations followed by famine
and pestilence, insurrections and invasions on the fron-
tiers involving the empire in almost continuous and often
disastrous war, aroused the fury of the populace against
the Christians whose impiety and rapid increase was
thought to have angered the gods. Christians, on the
other hand, saw in these disasters the divine judgment
on the iniquity of the government and of the people, and
no doubt in some cases openly rejoiced in them as pre-
sages of the final judgment and the end of the age.
Such an attitude would tend still further to irritate their
pagan enemies.

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CHAP.L] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 1 57

The following particulars are worthy of attention :

a. There is no evidence that anything like a general
persecution was undertaken at this time. The ferocious
uprising against the Christians of Lyons and Vienne, in
the south of Gaul, in which a large number of Christians
were brought before the authorities charged with in-
cestuous orgies, cannibalism, etc., subjected to the most
horrible tortures to compel confession of these crimes,
and at last thrown to the wild beasts or otherwise cruelly
slain, seems to have been quite exceptional. The de-
tails of this persecution are given in a beautiful letter
addressed by *' the servants of God residing at Vienne
and Lyons, in Gaul, to the brethren throughout Asia
and Phrygia," preserved by Eusebius.* The ** tribula-
tion" is ascribed to "the fury of the heathen against
the saints." The "adversary" is said to have "en-
deavored in every manner to practise and exercise his
servants against the servants of God, not only shutting
us out from houses and baths and markets, but forbid-
ding any of us to be seen in any place whatever." A
large proportion of those arrested persisted under re-
peated and most excruciating tortures in denying the
charges of criminality and in confession of Christ. Many
died in prison from the effects of the tortures and lack of
proper food and nursing. Some were weak enough to
deny their faith and to make the required confession ;
but not even so did they escape further sufferings.
Some who yielded at first afterward received strength to
confess Christ and to suffer martyrdom. These pro-
ceedings were conducted by the Roman, governor with
the full approval of the emperor.

b. The martyrdom of Justin, the philosopher, who was
the most important literary defender of the faith that
the age produced, is commonly ascribed to the machina-
tions of Crescens, a disreputable philosopher. This oc-
curred in Rome about 165. According to an early nar-
rative six companions suffered with him.

c. An apparently authentic account of the execution
of several Christians in Pergamus, Asia Minor, has been
preserved." A number of other martyrdoms are sup-

> Bk. L s Harnack. '* TexU «. UnUnmcburngpt** Bd, 111., H9ft 4.

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158 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II

posed to have occurred in Asia during tliis reign, as that
of Thraseas, pastor of the church at Eumenea, and that
of Sagaris, pastor at Laodicea.

d. The peculiarities of the persecution under this em
peror are :

First, that the emperor issued a decree against the
Christians which, in the opinion of Melito of Sardis, was
" not fit to be executed even against barbarian ene-
mies." This decree encouraged informers by allowing
them to take the property of the accused and made it
possible for the governors to enrich themselves by con-
fiscations.

Secondly, the emperor encouraged inquisitorial pro-
ceedings for the discovery and arraignment of Christians.

Thirdly, torture was employed as a means of compell-
ing Christians to renounce their faith and to commit acts
of idolatry.

e. That Christianity was becoming more and more
vigorous and aggressive is evident from the abundant
apologetlcal and polemical literature of the time. Chris-
tianity was rapidly drawing to itself of the culture of the
age and Christian philosophers were more than a match
for their pagan and Gnostic antagonists.

/. During this reign Montanism, which may have
arisen in the preceding reign, came into prominence.
The Alogoi, as opponents of the Montanistic prophecy,
now appeared. The controversy regarding the time of
celebrating Easter dates from this reign. New Gnostic
parties arose and older parties flourished.

g. The consolidation of the Catholic church, with its
monarchical episcopate, its emphasizing of apostolic au-
thority and apostolic succession, and its New Testament
canon, in opposition to Gnostic and Montanistic heresy,
made marked progress during this reign.

A. The persecution under Marcus Aurelius was not of
so long duration nor so exterminating as not to be
favorable, on the whole, to the spread of Christianity.
It advertised Christianity, and that in a very favorable
way. Christianity now had standing enough to draw
toward it the sympathies of large numbers of people.
The fortitude with which Christians endured persecution
seems to have now revealed to many the power of

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CHAP. I.] REUTION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 1 59

this religion over the human heart, and a very rapid
growth of Christianity throughout the empire followed.
Christians soon swarmed in all the cities and were nu-
merous in many rural districts. With rapid growth came
in much worldliness and insincerity, immunity from per-
secution for a number of years making it easy for all who
felt any interest in Christianity to enter the churches.

i. Now for the first time pagan scholars thought it
worth their while to read the literature of the Christians
and to attempt to overthrow Christianity by polemical
writings. Foremost among efforts of this kind was the
work of Celsus, the Platonist, whose '' True Discourse'*
Origen was to answer at length about fifty years later.
Celsus supposed that the persecuting measures of the
emperor would result in the extermination of Christian-
ity. In their sufferings was fulfilled the saying of Apollo's
priest : " The mills of the gods grind slowly," etc. Re-
ferring to Christ he wrote :

The demon is not only reviled, but banished from every land and
aea. and those who, like images, are consecrated to him, are bound
ana led to punishment and impaled, whilst the demon— or as you
call him, the Son of God— takes no vengeance on the evil-doer. The
Jews, instead of being masters of the whole world, are left with not
so much as a patch of ground or a hearth ; and of you [Christians]
one or two may be wandering in secret, but they are b«ing sought
out to be punished with death.

So little appreciation did this brilliant philosopher have
of the vitality and all-conquering power of the gospel.

(2) Commodus (180-193) was dissolute, timid, suspi-
cious, and at last cruel and vindictive ; yet his attitude
toward Christianity was more favorable than that of any
of his predecessors. This was due, no doubt, in part at
least, to the influence of his favorite concubine Marcia,
who took the Christians under her protection, secured
the deliverance of many from the Sardinian mines, where
they were suffering fearful hardships, and sought in many
ways to further their interests. Whether Marcia was
herself a member of the Roman church is uncertain ; but
the corruptions of the church as described by Hippolytus
at about this time were such as to make her member-
ship a possibility. The patronage of such a personage no
doubt contributed toward the lowering of the moral

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l6o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II

standard of the churches under the influence of the
Roman and rendered effective discipline exceedingly
difficult.

Referring to this reign Euseblus says : ** About this time ... our
condition became more favorable, and through the grace of God the
churches tiiroughout the entire world enjoyed peace, and the word
of salvation was leading every soul from every race of mankind to
the devout worship of the God of the universe. So that now at
Rome many who were highly distinguished for wealth and family
turned with ail their household and relatives unto their salvation.'^^
Yet he refers immediately afterward to the martyrdom of Apollonius,
a man of renown among the faithful for learning and philosophy,
who was condemned to death on the accusation of a slave by a
decree of the Senate. Whether Apollonius was condemned simply
on the ground of his Christian profession or on the ground of some
specific charge of violation of the laws does not appear. To save
herself from falling a victim to his almost insane cruelty Marcia
joined with others in compassing the assassination of the emperor.

(3) Septimius Severus (193-21 1) was not intensely
hostile toward Christianity. In fact, it has been com*
monly supposed that up to 202 he was somewhat favor-
ably disposed. It is related by Spartianus that on his re-
turn from a victorious campaign against the Armenians
and the Parthians (202), while sojourning in Palestine,
he enacted a law forbidding conversions to Judaism or
Christianity. It does not appear to have been his pur-
pose to attempt the extermination of Christianity, but
simply to put a check upon proselytizing. But the en-
forcement of the Trajanic law against Christianity as an
unauthorized religion involved many Christians in severe
suffering. It does not appear that the emperor issued an
edict of persecution ; but he no doubt encouraged the
local officials diligently to enforce the old laws.

Clement of Alexandria, who was at the head of the catechetical
school, wrote some time before the close of the second century:
** Many martyrs are daily burned, crucified, and beheaded before
our eyes." About 202 or 203 he was obliged to abandon his work
and retire from the city. The father of Origen suffered martyrdom
at this time. Origen himself, then a zealous and brilliant youth,
was saved from a like fate by the tact of his mother, who hid his
clothes and thus prevented him from publicly proclaiming himself a
Christian and gaining the mart3a''s crown. About aoo a number of
Christians, Including three women, suffered joyfully at Sdllite, in

» "Church History." Bk. XXI.

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CHAP.l] relation of CHRISTIANITY to the empire i6i

Numidia, falling on their knees and praising God. At Carthage
two young women, Perpetua and Felicitas, won the highest admira-
tion of their contemporaries and of posterity by resolutely refusing
to yield to the entreaties of parents and friends or to the promptings
of maternal affection, to save their lives by denying the faith, and
by cheerfully confronting the maddened beasts. These last and
their companions in suffering are supposed to have been Montanists.
Tertullian refers to persecutions In Numidia and Mauritania about

(4) Caracalla and Hdiogabalus yrtxt among the most
contemptible of rulers ; but both tolerated Christianity.
Caracalla (211-217) recalled all who were in banish-
ment, but had his brother and co-heir Geta murdered
with twenty thousand of his supposed supporters. His
mother Julia Domna, a Syrian woman, with her sister
Julia Moesa and the daughters of the latter, Sooemias,
the mother of the Emperor Heliogabalus, and Julia Mam-
maa, the mother of the Emperor Alexander Severus,
was devoted to Oriental mysticism. These women were
indifferent or hostile to the State religion, and surround-
ing themselves with a coterie of philosophers and schol-
ars, devoted much attention to the free handling of re-
ligious questions and exerted a marked influence on the
religious policy of the empire. The extension of citizen-
ship to provincials broke down the old aristocracy and
greatly facilitated the progress of Christianity by de-
stroying artificial social distinctions. Caracalla was as-
sassinated by the Pretorian Prefect Macrinus, who
assumed the imperial crown and ruled fourteen months
(217-18). His career as a political reformer, was cut
short by the intrigues of Julia Moesa, who induced the
army to repudiate Macrinus and to elevate to the throne
her grandson Avitus, who was at that time priest of the
Syrian sun-god at Emesa, and who is commonly known
by the name of his favorite deity, Heliogabalus. It was
the aim of Heliogabalus and his female relatives to merge
Judaism, Samaritanism, Christianity, and the State re-
ligion into a single eclectic system, in which sun-worship
should predominate. He reveled in the extravagances
and the obscenities of his favorite cult. Under the pa-
tronage of the imperial court Philostratus produced his
life of Apollonius of Tyana, whom he sought to repre-
sent as a heathen Christ. Heliogabalus brought to Rome

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l62 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a

the celebrated Black Stone of Edessa as a means of
making his religion more attractive to the masses. It
was his intention to erect a great temple in Rome in
which, side by side with sun-worship, Jewish and Chris-
tian worship should be encouraged. It was no credit to
Christianity to be tolerated and favored by so despicable
a ruler ; but freed from persecution, it doubtless enjoyed
a very rapid growth and absorbed far more of pagan life
than it could properly assimilate. Disgusted with the
shameful license and the effeminacy of Heliogobalus, the
army put an end to his rule and placed on the throne an
emperor worthy of the name (222).

(5) Alexander Severus (222-235), ^ cousin of Helioga-
balus, was noble-minded and devout, but was lacking in
energy and in statesmanship. Though not a Christian,
he gave to Christianity a place in his eclectic system and
had a bust of Christ amon'g those of other religious he-
roes (Apollonius of Tyana, Orpheus, and Abraham) in
his private chapel.^ His mother, Julia Mammaea, was
the ruling spirit in the government, and to her favorable
attitude the Christians were no doubt deeply indebted.
She is said to have sent for Origen, the great Christian
theologian, that she might receive from him instruction
in the principles of Christianity, and to have treated him
with much respect. When a dispute arose between the
Christians and some cooks as to the possession of a
building, Alexander decided in favor of the Christians,
remarking that it was better that God should be wor-
shiped there in any way whatever than that the place
should be given over to cooks.' In recommending a
new mode of apportioning the offices of the State he is
said to have referred to the Christian church organiza-
tion as a model. According to Lampridius he contem-
plated erecting in Rome a temple to Christ.* He is said
to have frequently given utterance to the Golden Rule
in its negative form and to have had it inscribed on pub-
lic buildings. During this reign Christian houses of
worship seem to have been first erected. The catechet-
ical school of Alexandria flourished and Christian educa-
tion made progress in Rome. Yet Christianity was not

> Uapridlut. Ch«^ 19. • Clu^ 4^ •Chap. 4i.

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CHAP.!.] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 163

declared a lawful religion by imperial decree. In fact it
was during this reign that Ulpian, the famous jurist, col-
lected for public use the imperial rescripts against the
Christians. It is probable that the sentiment of the
Senate and of the Roman aristocracy in general was
strongly adverse to Christianity and that Alexander and
Julia Mammaea did not deem it prudent to produce radi-
cal changes in legislation in defiance of this class.

(6) Maximinus the Thracian (235-238), a military
leader who had incited the troops to slay Alexander,
succeeded to the throne by the favor of the army. He
was one of the coarsest and most brutal of barbarians
and was utterly incapable of appreciating anything no-
ble. His bitter hatred of Alexander led him to persecute
the Christians, many of whom held positions in the im-
perial household. According to Eusebius,^ he commanded
" that only the rulers of the churches should be put to
death as responsible for the gospel teaching." Several
prominent leaders of the church of Caesarea (Palestine),
including Origen's wealthy patron Ambrosius, who was
robbed of his property, suffered severely at this time.
Origen, now laboring at Caesarea, escaped by concealing
himself and addressed to his suffering friends his beauti-
ful work on '^ Martyrdom." Pontianus and Hippolytus,
officials of the Roman church, were banished to Sar-
dinia.

(7) Philip the Arabian (244-248), son of a Bedouin
sheik, is represented by Christian writers of a later
date as a Christian. Eusebius relates that on one occa-
sion he was so desirous of sharing with the multitude in
the prayers of the church that he put himself in the
place of a humble penitent, as he was required to do by
the presiding official. It may be that he was only super-
stitious and was anxious to enjoy the favor of the God
of the Christians without having any true conception
of Christianity.

Dionysius of Alexandria (c. 2C5) writes of emperors who were
openly said to have become Cnristians." He must have had in
mind Alexander Severus and Philip. Origen is said to have written
letters, to Philip and to Severa, his wife. Origen at this time looked

1 " Church History/' Bk. VI.. Chap. ad.

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l64 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.tt

forward with great hopefulness to the triumph of Christianity. AU
other religions, he thought, would pass away, but Christianity
would go prosperously forwai-d.^

3. From Decius Trajan to Diocletian (249-284). The
first half of the third century was a time of great peril to
civil order in the empire. The provinces were ruined by
excessive taxation wastefuily and corruptly gathered and
by barbarian invasions in the east and the west. Rome
had become inconceivably corrupt and had lost the
power to rule. Provincials who had gained prestige as
military leaders were one after the other raised to the
throne by the army, but few of these soldier emperors
showed any capacity for government. The State re-
ligion was rapidly decaying. Christianity had gained
Vast numbers of converts in all parts of the empire and
was by far the most aggressive of the religious forces of
the age. With correct instinct those who were zealous
for the maintenance of Roman imperialism looked upon
the growing strength of Christianity with disfavor and
distrust. The ideals of the Christians and the ideals of
Roman imperialists were mutually antagonistic. The
Roman State religion had from of old been regarded as
one of the chief bulwarks of the empire. Its life-blood
was rapidly being drawn out by aggressive Christianity.
The time was approaching when this religion must be
either exterminated or adopted as the religion of the
State.

(I) Decius Trajan (249-251), an Italian soldier, was
raised to the throne by the Danubian army after the
battle with the Goths at Verona, in which Philip lost his
life. He seems to have had an earnest desire to restore
the empire to its pristine order and vigor. The millen-
nium of the city was being celebrated with great splen-
dor when Decius returned from the Gothic war. Special
occasion was doubtless afforded thereby for remarking
the decay of the State religion. The fact that Chris-
tians had been especially favored by his predecessor
probably led Decius to suspect them of disloyalty to
himself. It may be assumed from what we know of
this ruler that his exterminating measures against Chris-

.HI.

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CHAP. I.] REUTION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 165

tianity did not proceed from sheer wantonness, but were
from his point of view a political necessity. Only
by the extermination of Christianity and the rehabilita-
tion of the State religion could the unity and the stabil-
ity of the empire be secured. In 250 was issued the
first imperial edict aiming at the universal suppression of
Christianity. Christians everywhere were required to
conform to the State religion by participating in its cere-
monies, and officials were commanded, under heavy pen-
alties, rigorously to enforce the requirement. In each
official district all Christians were required within a defi-
nite time to appear before the magistrates and to offer
sacrifices to the gods. The flight of Christians before
the expiration of the time allowed was not hindered, but
the property of fugitives was confiscated and death was
the penalty of returning. Those who were not in a
position to prove that they had fulfilled the requirement
were brought before a commission composed of officials
and citizens. First they were threatened with the direst
punishments in case of obstinacy. Threats were fol-
lowed by torture. This failing, imprisonment and re/
peated tortures, including hunger and thirst, were re-
sorted to as a means of breaking down the wills of the
victims. All the influence and the machinery of the
imperial government were employed to prevent laxity on
the part of officials. The magistrates were enjoined to
use special severity toward bishops and other influential
leaders.

Immunity from persecution had brought Into the churches multi-
tudes of people who had no proper Idea of the obligations of the
Christian lite and many who cannot be rq^arded as possessing a
saving knowledge of the truth. Lamentable worldliness character-
ized many of the clergy, who were spending their energies in secu-
lar pursuits rather than in the ministry of the word. The Imperial
edict struck terror to the hearts of all whose faith was weak. ^* Be-
fore the battle," writes Cyprian, *' many were conauered, and with-
out having met the enemy, were cut down ; they dM not even seek
to gain the reputation of having sacrificed against their will. They
in(feed did not wait to be apprehended ere they ascended, or to tje
interrogated ere they denied. Many were conquered before the bat-
tle, prostrated before the attack. Nor did they even leave it to be
said for them that they seemed to sacrifice to Idols unwillingly.
They ran to the market place of their own accord." ^ Many were

1 '*D« Upsls." Bk. 111.. Chap. t.

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l66 A iVUNUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [^'^R.IL

so Impatient to deny their faith that they could hardly wait their
turn. Cyprian himself retired before the fury of the persecution and
thereby greatly; injured his reputation among the stricter sort. Many
who would neither flee nor sacrifice suffered the most terrible tor-
tures and died in prison or were at last cruelly executed. Some by
bribing the officials procured certificates of having sacrificed without
committing the overt act. Some allowed others to say that they had
sacrificed or to procure certificates for them. Holders of these fraud-
ulent certificates were called libellaiici and were regarded as scarcely
less culpable than the Lapsi or those who actually denied their faith.
Decius was after a few months called away by a fresh Gothic inva-
sion and was slain in 251, but not until he had spread desolation
throughout the churches. There was a slight lull In the storm of
persecution under Gallus, but a year of public disasters (plague,
drought, famine, barbarian invasions) drew the attention of the pop-
ulace afresh to the Christians, whose hostility to the gods was sup-
posed to be responsible for the calamities. Many were sent to the
mines, which involved the direst hardship and often death.

(2) Valerian (2 5 3-260), who had been closely asso
ciated with Decius, is said by Dionysius of Rome^ to
have '* been mild and friendly toward the men of God "
and to have treated them more kindly and favorably
than any of his predecessors. " Not even those [em-
perors] that were said openly to be Christians received
them with such manifest hospitality as he did at the be-
ginning of his reign. For his entire house was filled
with pious persons and was a church of God." But
public calamities continued and when recourse had been
had to every known expedient, including human sacri-
fices, he was persuaded, it is said, by one of his generals
(Macrianus), an adept in Egyptian magic, to renew the
persecution of Christians. At first he sought to sup-
press Christianity without bloodshed. In 257 he issued
an edict commanding all Christians to conform to the
State religion on pain of banishment. He directed that
pastors be separated from their churches, and prohibited
Christian assemblies of every kind. These measures
proving futile, he issued in 2;8 an edict more sanguinary
by far than that of Decius. Cyprian, bishop of the
Carthaginian church, who had again gone into banish-
ment by reason of the earlier edict and was soon after to
fall a victim to the severer measure, gives the substance
of the latter as follows :

> Quoted by EuMblus. " Church History/* Bk. VII.. Chap 9.

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CHAP. I] RELATION OF CHRISTUNITY TO THE EMPIRE 167

That bishops and presbyters and deacons should Immediately be
punished (f. ^., put to deaui) ; but that senators and men of impor-
tance, and Roman Icnights, should lose their dignity and moreover
be deprived of their property ; and if, when their means were taken
away, ttiey should still persist in being Christians, then they should
also lose their heads ; but that matrons should be deprived of their
property and sent into banishment. Moreover, people of Cesar's
household, whoever of them had either confessed before or should
now confess, should have their property confiscated and should be
sent In chains by assignment to Cesar's estates.^

The list of martyrs is too long for insertion. Besides
Cyprian, many prominent bishops won the martyr's
crown. Bishop Sixtus of Rome was seized in the Cata-
combs, where he was administering the Lord's Supper.
After his trial and condemnation he was taken back and
executed on the same spot.

The following remarks may be made on this series of persecutions :
a. The aim of the emperors was the utter destruction of Chris-
tianity, and the means most relied upon was the execution of the
Christian leaders and the demolition of the Christian houses of
worship.

h. The faith of Christians everywhere was put to a severe test
and multitudes were found wanting.

c. This time of persecution gave rise to many controversies re-
garding the treatment of the lapsed, the authority of confessors, the
prerogatives of bishops, etc., and a widespread schism (the Nova-
tian) resulted.

d. The ability of Christianity, even in a somewhat corrupted
form, to withstand the most determined assaults of the greatest
worid-power known to antiquity, was fully demonstrated and gave
to Chnstians the fullest assurance of ultimate triumph.

(3) GaUienus (260-268), the successor of Valerian,
favored the Christians, recalled the exiles, restored their
church property, and forbade further molestation of
them. From this time till the time of Diocletian the
Christians suffered almost no persecution. They grew
in numbers, wealth, church organization, and in worldli-
ness. Pagans flowed into the churches, taking with
them many of their pagan habits of life and thought, so
that by the time of Diocletian the church was corrupt
and worldly as never before, and was in no condition to
meet a relentless persecution.' Christians had again

1 8p. UVm. • SumMus. " Cburch Hlytofx/' Bk. VIH.. Cha|i. |.

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l68 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a

become so bold and aggressive as to arouse the jealousy
of the pagans.

4. Diocletian and Canstantine (284-323). Diocletian
(284-316) was a Dalmatian soldier, perhaps originally
a slave, who had made his way to the imperial throne
by military prowess. The Christians had fully recov-
ered from the persecutions of Decius and Valerian and
were no doubt far more numerous and influential than
ever before. Diocletian's wife, Prisca, and his daugh-
ter, Valeria, are said to have been Christians.* The im-
perial chamberlain Dorotheus and his associate, Gor-
gonios, were cruelly executed as Christians. That Dio-
cletian was unfriendly to Christianity almost from the
beginning is evident from a decree against the Mani-
chaeans issued from Egypt about 287. This document de-
clares it to be wrong to oppose or resist the gods or to
change from an old religion to a new, and in the highest
degree criminal to abandon established usages that have
come down from antiquity. This decree involves a con-
demnation of Christianity. It is not probable, however,
that Diocletian would have entered upon so difficult an
undertaking as the extermination of so widespread and
aggressive a religion, had it not been for the fanatical
zeal of his son-in-law Galerius, who, along with others,
had been associated with him in the imperial office.
Galerius resolved on the expulsion of Christians from
the army. About 29; all the soldiers were ordered to
sacrifice. Those that refused were expelled, and those
that manifested zeal for Christianity were executed.
Fire broke out in the imperial palace at Nicomedia on two
different occasions (303). It was a convenient thing to
charge the persecuted Christians with arson.

According to Eusebius," " royal edicts were published
everywhere, commanding that the churches be leveled
to the ground and the Scriptures destroyed by fire, and
ordering that those who held places of honor be de-
graded, and that the household servants, if they per-
sisted in the profession of Christianity, be deprived of
freedom." This first edict, issued in February, 303, was

1 EuseMos, "Church History/' Bk. VIII.. Chap. i.. «p4 Uctfiitlm, "Onk. tM
Death of Pcrsecutora,'* XV.
9 "Churr-h HUlory/* Bk. VIII.. Chap. i.

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CHAP.L] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 169

followed, according to Eusebius, by other decrees, "com-
manding tliat all the rulers of the churches in every
place be first thrown into prison, and afterward by every
artifice be compelled to sacrifice." It is noticeable that
the great importance of the Scriptures is recognized and
that the destruction of all copies is attempted. As in the
Decian persecution, the severe measures were directed
against the leaders of the churches, loss of civil and
social standing being the only penalties now inflicted
on laymen.

On the day preceding the publication of the edict, the
great church building of Nicomedia was burned to the
ground. Immediately after the posting of the edict in
Nicomedia, a Christian, ''highly honored with distin-
guished temporal dignities, seized the edict as it was
posted openly and publicly, and tore it to pieces as a
profane and impious thing. "^ This rash act of defiance
was summarily punished and no doubt greatly increased
the fury of the persecution. In all parts of the empire
the edict was executed with greater or less severity.
Multitudes, as in the Decian persecution, hastened to
deny the faith and to surrender their copies of the Scrip-
tures ; many bore the most horrible tortures and refused
with their latest breath to surrender the Scriptures or in
any way to compromise themselves. Some employed
fraudulent methods of evading the requirements of the
law.

Those who surrendered the Scriptures were stigma-
tized by their more courageous brethren as Traditors,
and traditorism became the occasion of the great Dona-
tist schism.

At this time there were four emperors : Diocletian in
the East, Maximian at Rome, Constantius in Britain,
Gaul, and Spain, and Galerius in lllyria. The two former
were Augusti or emperors in the highest sense, the two
latter were Ccesars. Constantius (who ruled in Britain
and Gaul) was favorably disposed toward Christianity,
and protected Christians as far as practicable. Diocle-
tian and Maximian resigned the imperial dignity in 305.
Galerius and Constantius succeeded them as Augusti^

> &lMbiuf, "Church History /' Blc VIII., Ch«|». y

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IJO A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a

while Maximinus and Severus became Cctsars. In 306,
after the death of his father, Constantius, Constantine
was proclaimed Augustus by his ariny, Maxentius by the
Praetorian Guards, and Severus by Galerius, while Max-
imian resumed the imperial dignity. In 307 Licinius was
made Augustus by Galerius, and Maximinus by his army.
Galerius had not yet recognized Constantine and Max-
iminus as Augusti. Severus was sent against Maxentius
in 307. He was deserted and slain by his army. This
left six claimants of imperial dignity. Maximian died in
310, Galerius in 311. This reduced the emperors to
four.

Constantine shared his father's favorable disposition
toward Christianity. Galerius was stricken with disease
and may have been thereby induced to relent. In 311,
together with Constantine and Licinius, he issued an
edict granting a limited toleration to Christians.^

Persecution was renewed in the East with terrible
severity by Maximinus. Forged "Acts of Pilate" full
of blasphemies against Christ were sent forth, with the
emperor's approval, throughout his whole domain, with
commands that they be publicly posted in every place
and that schoolmasters teach them, to their scholars.
Some vile women of Damascus were induced to declare
that they had been Christians and to accuse the Chris-
tians of the most impious and licentious conduct Every-
thing possible seems to have been done to arouse the
fury of the people against Christians. The way having
been thus prepared, he issued an edict to be engraved on
brazen pillars in the cities, declaring Christianity to be
an "execrable vanity," attributing to the toleration of
Christians all the calamities that had come upon the
land, and commanding that Christians be driven far from
each community. This edict was issued in response to
numeious petitions for the extermination of Christianity,

1 While they prefer that all should conform to the "retlffion of their ancestors."
recognition Is made of the fact that some Christians have Seen driven by persecu-
tion to abandon the proper worship of their own God, and yet do not '* offer to the
heavenly gods the worship which Is due/' The result Is that the empire suffers loss
from their failure to worship any god aright Permission Is given Christians to
"rebuild the conventicles In which they were accustomed to assemble," and the
opinion Is expressed that In consideration of this Indulgence "they ought to suppli-
cate their God for our (the emperors') safety, and that of the people, and their own,
that the public welfare may be preserved In every place, and that they may live
•evurely In th«ir several homes " (Euseblus, " Ch^r^h History." B|c VU|., Chap. 17).

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CHAP. I.] RELATION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE EMPIRE 17I

which Maximinus himself was thought to have inspired.
After the victory of Constantine he was constrained to
grant complete toleration to Christians, with the restora*
tion of confiscated property.

After the battle of the Milvian Bridge, between Con-
stantine and Maxentius, in which Constantine, being
now sole emperor in the West, attributed his victory to
the succor of the God of the Christians, Constantine
granted full toleration to the Christians, making it lawful
for any one that wished to embrace Christianity (313).
In this he secured the co-operation of Licinius, who soon
afterward defeated Maximinus and became sole emperor
in the East. This edict is known as the " Edict of Milan,''
and is one of the most important documents of the age« -
The more significant clauses are as follows :

Perceiving long ago that religious liberty ought not to be denied,
but that it ought to be granted to the Judgment and desire of each
Individual to perform his religious duties according to his own choice,
we had given orders that every man. Christians as well as others,
should preserve the faith of his own sect and religion. [There fol-
lows an explanation of the change of policy, and the new policy is
then described.] We resolved ... to grant both to the Christians
and to all men freedom to follow the religion which they choose,
that whatever heavenly divinity exists may be propitious to us and
to all that live under our government. We have, therefore, deter-
mined, witii sound and upright purpose, that liberty Is to be denied to
no one to choose and follow the religious observances of the Chris-
tians, but that to each one freedom is to be given to devote his mind
to tiiat religion which he may think adaptea to himself, in order that
the Deity may exhibit to us in all things his accustomed care and
favor. . . And we decree still further in regard to the Christians,
that their places, in which they were formerly accustomed to assem-
ble .. . ^all be restored to the said Christians, without demanding
money or any other equivalent, with no delay or hesitation. . . For
by tills means ... the divine favor toward us which we have already
experienced in many matters will continue sure through all time.^

In regard to this edict it may be said : (a) That it is
the earliest known proclaniation by a civil government of
absolute religious liberty.

(b) It involves no repudiation of paganism, but seems
to proceed on the supposition that by dealing generously
with the worshipers of all gods and thus promoting their
religious devotion, the favor of all gods for the emperors

1 S— Eus«blus. " Church History." Bk. X.. Chap. %.

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172 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.

and their subjects will be secured. It is evident how-
ever that the emperors recognize the God of the Chris-
tians as of extraordinary importance.

manifest.

In 319 Licinius, always at heart an enemy of Chris-

' tianity and doubtless suspecting that the Christians were

I favoring Constantine's ambitious aspirations after uni-

i versal sovereignty, reversed his policy of toleration and

\ subjected the Christians to the most cruel treatment.'

\ Constantine conquered Licinius in 323 and became sole

\ emperor. Thus Christianity triumphed in the Roman

\pmpire after a struggle of two hundred and fifty years.

1 Sm EuaeUus. "ChuKh Hlstaiy/' Bk. X.. Chap. t.

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CHAPTER II

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY DURING THE
SECOND AND THIRD CENTURIES

I. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.

1. In a world filled with systems of philosophy and re-
ligion, and in a time of intellectual activity, such as was
the beginning of the Christian era, it could not be ex-
pected that Christianity would long be able to hold aloof
from other systems, neither imparting its own elements
to them, nor absorbing foreign elements. Christianity
drew its converts from two grand sources, Judaism and_
paganism. It would have been strange, indeed, if JewislT
and pagan types of Christianity, mutually antagonistic,
had not arisen, and if each had not made a distinct im-
pression on the more catholic type that resulted from the
conflicts of the second and third centuries.

2. Even among the New Testament writers different
jhades of opinion, different ways of conceiving divine
truth, depending on the attitude of each writer toward
Judaism and toward heathen culture, found place. Here,
however, the diversity is comparatively superficial and
easily harmonizes with what is central in Christianity.
But uninspired men of the same tendencies and feelings
might have been expected to go to extremes, either in
making Judaism the chief thing and Christianity a mere
appendage, or in rejecting Judaism absolutely and sub-
stituting heathen philosophical conceptions therefor.

3. Such an antagonism, having once entered the realm
of Christian thought, naturally awakened intellectual
activity, and led finally to the accurate definition of
Christian doctrine according to the categories of the
Greek philosophy.

Replying to Celsus' charge that Christians ** were divided and split
up Into factions, each individual desiring to have his own party,"
Origen wrote: *^ Seeing Christianity appeared an object of venera-

^73

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174 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.li

tion to men, and not to the laboring and serving classes alone, but
also to many among the Greeks who were devoted to literary pur-
suits, there necessarily originated sects, not at all, however, as a
result of faction and strife, but through the earnest desire of man)!
literary men to enter more profoundly Into the truths of Christianity.
The consequence was, that understanding differently those discourses
which were believed by all to be divine, there arose sects, which re-
ceived their names from men who admired Christianity in Its fun-
damental nature, but from a variety of causes reached discordant
views."

II. HERETICAL SECTS OF THE PERIOD.

I. TheEbionites or Judai^ing Christians.

LITERATURE: Irenseus, Bk. 1., Chap. 26; Hippolytus, Bk. IX.,
Chap. 13-17; Epiphanius, Chap. 20, 30, S3; Clementine (*' Homi-
lies,'^ •• Recognitions,*' and " Acts of Peter '* ) ; Euseblus, •* Church
History," Bk. III., Chap. 27, and McGiffert's valuable notes ; Schaff,

v^iiiiouaii L^vuuiuc. p. 749 5«^.: Mossman. *' Hlstoiy of the Earty
Christian Church,'^ p. 188, s#j. ; Bunsen, " Hippolytus and His Age,*^
Vol. 1., p. 127, siq. ; Kitschl, '' AHka$k. Ktrdu;^ p. 104, sea. ; Lechler,
*' Das Apost, und das nachapostol, ZiitalUr^** p. 449« s^q. (also English
translation) ; Baur, **DuCkr, Gnosis^*' p. 300, s«jf. ; Mansel, '* The
Gnostic Heresies," p. no, s^^.; Standmann, **Das Hebriur^BvaHgt"
Imm*' (Tsxts und Untersuchungiu^ V., 3) • LIghtfoot, *' Epistle to Qie
Galatians," p. 306, s$q, : Matter, " Hist, Crit, du Gnosticisnu'* f m. II.,
p. 228, ssq* ; Langen, *^Du KUmmsronums** ; Hamack, ^^Dogmsmg^-
schichu" Bd, I., S^H, 21^, ssq, (also Enellsh translation); Lipsius,
**Dtf Qiullin d. RSmischiH Pitrmssags" ; Uhlhorn. *' Die Hamtlim u.
Ruoguitumsu d. CUnums Romamts " ; Schliemann, *' Die Oementmm " ;
HtTZOK-HsLUck.^^Real'Encffkhpadis," art. '' EhumHsn'' \ Schaff-Her
zog, •• Dictionarypf Christian Btography," and " Encyclopaedia Brl-
Unnica," art. ** Eblonltes."

(i) Origin of the Sect. From the book of Acts and the
Pauline Epistles, we see that there existed in the early
church an extreme Judaizing party. Paul could come to
an understanding with James and Peter, but an uncom-
promising set of Judaizers made it their business to follow
tn his footsteps to stigmatize him as a spurious apostle, to
condemn his gospel as insufficient, and to insist on a rigid
adherence to the Jewish law as necessary to salvation
through Christ. Gradually the great body of Christians,
being recruited from paganism, became emancipated from
Jewish scruples and those who were inclined to maike

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CHAP. II.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY I75

much of Judaism were cast off as heretics. The destruc-
tion of Jerusalem (A. D. 70) greatly promoted the separa-
tion of Judaizers from Christians of the New Testament
type. From about 1 10 until the suppression of the Jewish
revolt under Barcochab (132-135) Judaism enjoyed a
great revival over the Roman Empire and Judaistic Chris-
tians naturally were confirmed in their Judaism. After
the suppression of the revolt the hopes of Judaism were
crushed. The Judaistic elements soon separated them-
selves from Christianity, but the extreme Judaizing
Christians persisted in small numbers in Palestine and
the surrounding countries for about two hundred years
longer. The separation was promoted by the increasing .
stress that was laid by the non-Judaizing Christians on U^
the essential and absolute Deity of Christ.

(2) Principles of Ebianism. We must distinguish be-
tween the earlier Ebionism and the later Ebionism as it
was developed under the influence of the Alexandrian
philosophy. Earlier and later Ebionism agreed in main-
taining that the true God is the maker of the world and
the author of the Mosaic law ; in holding that Jesus was
the Messiah, but not divine ; in rejecting and abom-
inating Paul, and in venerating James and Peter. The
earlier Ebionites were ascetics, and exalted virginity.
At that time, James, bishop of Jerusalem, brother of
Jesus, was their hero. At a later time, when the ascetic
spirit had been developed in the Gentile churches, they
returned to the Judaic spirit and exalted marriage above
virginity. Peter now became their hero.

Many shades of opinion regarding the person of Christ
can be distinguished among the Judaizing Christians of
the early centuries. Some held to the purely human gen-
eration of Jesus, while others acknowledged his super-
natural birth.* Some modern writers distinguish between
Pharisaic Ebionites and Essenic Ebionites, the former
term denoting those who held fast to the current Jewish
legalism and who were free from the influence of the-
osophy, the latter denoting the theosophical forms of
Jewish Christian thought.

Cerinthus, educated in Alexandria but active chiefly

> OrlCM. **€«*« OfiMw." v.. 61.

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176 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a

in Asia Minor, to refute whose teachings the Fourth
Gospel is said to have been written, was the first noted
Ebionite of the speculative type. According to Irenseus
and Hippolytus/ he held that the world was not made by
God but by an ignorant being. " He represented Jesus
as not having been born of a virgin . • . but as having
been the son of Joseph and Mary, born after the manner
of other men, though distinguished above all others by
justice and prudence and wisdom. He taught, moreover,
that after the baptism of Jesus the Christ descended
upon him in the form of a dove from that Sovereign
Power which is over all things, and that he then an-
nounced the unknown Father and wrought miracles ;
but that toward the end the Christ departed again from
Jesus, and Jesus suffered and rose from the dead, while
the Christ remained impassible as a spiritual being.''

Eusebius quotes Caius (latter part of the second cen-
tury) to the effect that Cerinthus was a propagator o^
chiliastic views, which, as he claimed, were "shown
him by angels.'* " And he says that after the resurrec-
tion tue kingdom of Christ will be set up on the earth,
and that the flesh dwelling in Jerusalem will again be
subject to desires and pleasures. And being an enemy
of the Scriptures of God, he asserts, with the purpose of
deceiving men, that there is to be a period of a thousand
years for marriage festivals." Eusebius quotes also
Dionysius of Alexandria to the effect that Cerinthus
''dreamed that the kingdom would consist in those
things which he desired, . . . that is to say, in eating
and drinking and marrying . . . and in festivals and
sacrifices and the staying of victims.'" It is probable
that Cerinthus' views of a temporal reign of Christ are
somewhat caricatured by these writers.

The term " Ebionite " (of Hebrew derivation) means
" poor," and was applied to the early Christians in gen-
eral, who were poor in earthly goods and poor in spirit.
The use of it was continued by the Judaizing party or
was applied to them by their enemies. Some of the
Jewish Christians of the second and third centuries were
called ''Nazarenes." This term also was sometimes

> Irwueus. Bk. III., Chap. 11 ; Hifpolytus. Bk. VII.. Clup. si*
• •• Church HSfllory." Bk UL. Chap. >•.

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CHAP, il] INTfiftKAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 1 77

applied to the early Christians as followers of Jesus of
Nazareth (Acts 24 : 5). It may have adhered to certain
communities of Jewish Christians from the earliest time.
Ebionites and Nazarenes were probably separate parties
in the third and fourth centuries. Epiphanius represents
the latter as the more orthodox and as acknowledging
the supernatural birth of Christ.

According to Eusebius/ Symmachus, who made a new
translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek about
the close of the second century, was an Ebionite. " The
Gospel according to the Hebrews/* which appears not to
have been the Hebrew original of our Matthew, was in
common use among the Ebionites.

(3) Elkesaite Ebkntism as seen in the Clementines. The
Clementine " Homilies " and " Recognitions *' are among
the most curious products of the religious movements of
the second century. Judaism had been outlawed by the
empire, and was despised by Gentile Christians and
Gnostics. It occurred to some Jewish Christian, or
Christians, to compose books purporting to have been
written by Clement of Rome (the third pastor of the
Roman Church, one of whose genuine Epistles we have),
and of which the materials should be the supposititious
discourses and acts of Peter. This would afford an ex-
cellent opportunity for combating the now dominant
Paulinism, as represented by the Gentile Christians in
general, and in a grossly perverted form by the Gnostics.
Simon Magus is made to take a prominent place, and to
have frequent encounters with Peter, who confounds
him in argument and drives him away. Here we have,
drawn out in supposed debates between Peter and Simon,
a speculative Ebionitic system, somewhat analogous to
those of the Gnostics. Peter declares that he will be-
lieve nothing against God or the righteous men of the
Old Testament time, even though recorded in Scripture.
The Old Testament Scriptures are not Infallible, but
contain much that is false, along with divine truth.
Adam and Christ are identified (probably in opposition
to the Pauline antithesis, Rom. 5), and constitute the
true prophetic spirit in all ages. Along with Adam or

> "Church History." Bk. VL. Ch«^ 17.

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178 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.1L

Christ, was created a female nature as a companion,
differing from the former as quality from substance, as
the moon from the sun, as fire from light. She was en-
trusted to be the first prophetess. Everything, there-
fore, in the Old Testament that seems contrary to the
righteousness of God and the patriarchs, is to be attrib-
uted to this inferior earthly prophecy, which has misled
and perverted mankind. The male principle is wholly
truth, the female wholly falsehood. He that is born of
male and female, in some respects speaks truth; in
others, falsehood. Moses did not write the law himself,
but delivered it orally to seventy wise men. Afterward
it was written down, but was burnt in the time of Nebu-
chadnezzar. Hence, as we now have it, the law con-
tains false and true elements. Christ is declared to be
begotten and sent, and hence infinitely inferior to the
Father. Here, as in all the Gnostic systems, the ques-
tion as to the origin of evil comes forward. Peter's main
object in his disputes with Simon Magus is to vindicate
the God of the Old Testament from all imputations of
evil. Simon Magus maintains that if evil and the devil
exist, and if God is the maker of all things, then God is
the author of evil ; hence, not himself good. Peter ad-
mits that the devil was created by God, but not that God
created evil. God created four substances — ^heat, cold,
moist and dry, simple and unmixed. When they were
mingled there arose freedom of choice between good and
evil. God permits the devil to exist and to rule over the
world, in order that he may punish the wicked. The
souls of men, as in the Pythagorean philosophy, are par-
ticles of light. Purgatory, something like the Platonic,
with the annihilation of the incorrigible, is spoken of.
Ebionism showed an extraordinary capacity for uniting
with whatever foreign elements it came in contact with.
Here we see it united with Pythagorean and Platonic
elements. Some of these elements, but not all, are at-
tributed to Ebionites in general by the Christian writers.
The points given as common to all are the essentials.
In the minds of speculative men endless variations of
view found place.

The Clementine writings, and probably the Ebionites
in general, laid the utmost stress on baptism. This was

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CHAP. IL] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 179

due in part to their belief that Jesus became Christ, or
was adopted as Son by the Father, in connection with
his baptism. Some of the more striking passages are
the following:

In '' Recognitions," I., 39, it is said that " lest haply they (the
Jews) might suppose that on the cessation of sacrifice there was
no remission of sins for them, he [God's Prophet— Christ] instituted
baptism by water amongst them, in which they might be absolved
from all their sins on the invocation of his name. . . Subseauently
also an evident proof of this great mystery is supplied, in that every
one who. believing in this Prophet who had been foretold by Moses,
shall be kept unhurt from the destruction of war which impends over
the unbelieving nation." This last probably has reference to the fa-
vorable treatment accorded to the Christians as compared with the
cruel punishment inflicted on the Jews by Hadrian (135 onward).

In ^' Recognitions," 11., yi^ a person who has believed is said to
need '' the purification of baptism, that the unclean spirit may go out
of him, which has made its abode in the inmost affections of his
soul," and that he may eat with those who have been purified.

In " Homilies," VII., 8, God's service is said to be, "to worship
him only, and trust only In the Prophet of truth, and to be baptized
for the remission of sins, and thus by this pure baptism to be bom
igain unto God by saving water," etc.

In *' Recognitions," VI., 8, 9, after representing water as the first
created thing and as that from which all things are produced, and
dwelt on its regenerating efficacy, the writer proceeds : " And do
you suppose that you can have hope toward God, even if you culti-
vate all piety and all righteousness, but do not receive baptism?
Yea. rather, he will be worthy of greater punishment, who does good
works not well. . . Now God has ordered every one who worships
him to be sealed by baptism ; but if you refuse, and obey your own
will rather than God's, you are doubtless contrary and hostile to his
will. But you will perhaps say. What does baptism of water con-
tribute toward the worship of God? In the first place, because that
which hath pleased God Is fulfilled. In the second place, because,
when you are regenerated and bom again of water and of God, the
frailty of your former birth, which you had through men, is cut off,
and so at length you shall be able to attain salvation ; but otherwise
It is impossible. . . Betake yourselves therefore to these waters, for
they alone can quench the violence of the future fire ; and he who
delays to approach them, it Is evident that the idol of unbelief re-
mains in him, and by it he Is prevented from hastening to the waters
which confer salvation. For, whether you be righteous or unright-
eous, baptism is necessary for you In every respect : for the righteous,
that perfection may be accomplished in him and he may oe bom
afl^ain to God : for the unrighteous, that pardon may be vouchsafed
him of the sins which he committed In ignorance."

Notwithstanding their belief in the magical eflftcacy of
baptism, it is not probable that the Ebionites adminis-

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l8o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL

tered it to infants. The fact that Jesus was baptized as
a mature man and their profound conviction that he first
received his divine Sonship in baptism would probably
have held them to adult baptism after it had become
common among the non-Jewish Christians, who in gen-
eral attached no such importance to the baptism of Jesus.

2. The Gnostics.

LITERATURE: IrenaBUs/'/fAvrs«s//fly«#5"; Hippolytus/* i^r/ir
iatio Onmmm Hm.^ ; Tertullian, *' D* PrcKcriptionibus Hofnticorum,^^
*' Adwrsus Marciomm^^ etc. ; Clement of Alex, and Origen, passim ;
Epiphanius, *'y1dwrsus Hasnsis "; Plotinus, " Enmad.,'' Bk. II., Chap.

g; '^ Pistis Sophia " (a Gnostic Treatise recently discovered, and edited
J/ Petermann, Berlin, 1853) ; Theodoret, " Di Hanntieorum Fabulis'* :
Eusebius, "//»/. EccL" passim; Giesder, "Ecclesiastical History,'^
VoL I., p. 120,5^9.; Vol. 11., p. 442, s^: MoUer, VoLl.,p. 129,5/0.;
Hiljjenfeld, '^ K^t^^gssch." : King, "The Gnostics and their Re-
mains," second ed., 1887 (sympatiietic with Gnosticism and rich in
archseological materials); Llghtfoot, " The Colossian Heresy" (in
"Com. on Colossians"); Harnack, **Dofminfisch,,** Bd. 1., Seit.
158, s#9. (also English translation) ; Neanaer. Vol. 1., p. 566, ssq. ;
/" Pressensi, "Heresy and Christian Doctrine," p. L, s^q.; Mansel,
( " The Gnostic Heresies " : Burton, " Heresies of the Apostolic Aee " ;
Bunsen, " Hippolytus and His Age," Vol. 1., p. 61, sgq, ; Baur, ^* Dii
Chr, Gnosis*^ (more concisely in liis " Church History of the First -
Three Centuries," VoL I., p. 185-245); Ritschl, ''Altkath, Kirehs''
passim; Lipsius, "Df> QuelUu dsr altesi Kitxergeschicte'^ : Hamack,
*' Zur QtulUnkritih dsr Sisch, des Gnosticismus " ; Matter, *' Hist, CriU
du Gnosticismi " ; Lipsius, " Der Gnosticismus^ siin fVsssH^ Urspruftg,
Entwick4lungsga$tg*\' Mdller, ** Gtsch. d. Cosmologis d, pigehischm
Kirch$ his an Originis** ; Amelineau. ^* Essai sur U Gnosttdsms igjf-
tien'' ; Bright, '*^Gnostlcism and Irenaus" (in "Waymarks of
Church History," 1894); Kostlin. "DiV gnostischi ^stsm d. Buck
Pistis Sophia" (in ^^ Thiol, Jahrh,'^ 1854) ; Mcrx, ** Bardisams von
Edsssa** ; Koffmane, "Dm Gnosis nach thnr Ttndenru, Organisa-
tion"; Meyboom, '^ Marcion m di Mardomtin" ; Gruber, "M
Ophitm": Heinrid, "Dw VaUntin, Gnosis u, d, Hal, Schriftm" ;
"Gnosticism." in Herzog-Hauck 5 Lichtenbcreer ; Wetzer u. Weltc :
"Britannica'^ (ninth ed.), "Dictionary of Christian Biography,'*
and Schaff-Herzog.

The term includes various theosophical bodies, with
Christian elements, that flourished during the second
century in Syria, Egypt, Asia Minor, etc.

(i) The Germs of Gnosticism existed, doubtless, in the
apostolic times. Paul speaks of knowledge (^jn^ot^) as
"puffing up," of "oppositions of knowledge (rwff«0
falsely so called/' etc. In the writings of John we see

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CHAP. 11.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY l8l

still clearer evidences of Gnostic opposition to Chris-
tianity. In Revelation the Nicolaitans are spoken of as
holding the doctrine of Baal, and eating things sacrificed
to idols. These were probably Gnostics. Irenaeus testi-
fies that the Gospel of John was written to oppose Gnos-
ticism as represented by Cerinthus, an Ebionitic Gnostic. ,,/-
So, in the First Epistle ot John, Gnostic tendencies are
combated in the two-fold aspect of denial of the Divinity
and denial of the humanity of Christ (Docfitism). Simon
Magus, who, according to the narrative in Acts, gave
himself out as "the great power of God,*' became an
arch-heretic (unless all of the accounts of him are leg-
endary, like that of the Clementines), and the precursor,
if not the founder, of Gnosticism. He is related to hav.
gained many followers, and to have called himself the
" Word," " Paraclete," " Omnipotent," etc.*

(2) The Philosophical Basis ofunosticism was the ques-
tion as to the origin of evil. The answer was influenced
by an idealized conception (Platonic and Pythagorean —
seen also in the writings of Philo of Alexandria, etc.) of
Absolute Being. The world was seen to be full of im-
perfection ; the Supreme Being could not, therefore, be
its author. The Old Testament represents Jehovah (or
Elohim) as the creator of the world. Hence Jehovah is
an imperfect being, and the religion of the Jews antag-
onistic to true religion. The chief aim of Gnosticism
was to account for the existence of the present order of
things without compromising the character of the Su- ^
preme Being.

(3) Sources of Gnosticism. The most direct and most
important source of Gnosticism was the Jewish-Alexan-
drian philosophy as represented by Philo. We can
account for most of the phenomena of Gnosticism by the
supposition of attempts to combine this mode of thought
with Christian doctrines, especially with the prologue of
John's Gospel. Many points of resemblance can be
traced between the Gnostic systems and the Jewish
Cabbala, the germs of which probably existed in the
second century; but it is impossible to tell whether
Gnosticism borrowed from the Cabbala, or viu versa.

1 Juitin. " ApoL." I.. CiMp. ai ; irwuMis, Bk. L. Chap. %%,

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l82 A MANUAL OP CHURCH HISTORY [per tt

Both were certainly dependent on Jewish-Alexandrian
theosophy. In addition to this chief elenient, the Gnostic
systems (some to a greater, some to a less extent) were
influenced by Buddhism and Zoroastrianism, which sys-
tems had long been well known in Alexandria. The
esoteric theosophy of the old Egyptian religion must have
contributed a not unimportant factor to Egyptian types of
Gnosticism. The intensely dualistic systems are doubt-
less connected with the Zoroastrian and old Babylonian
dualism. So also its emanation theories. With Buddhism
may have been connected the Gnostic teachings respect-
ing the antagonism of spirit and matter, the unreality of
derived existence, and, to some extent, the origin of the
world from successive emanations from the Absolute
Being.^ Yet it is not necessary to suppose a direct and
conscious employment of all these sources. These had
more or less influence on the Jewish-Alexandrian phi-
losophy current at the time. Such ideas had become
common property^ and the special combinations in the
hands of men of speculative minds who had cut loose
from the historical, and sought only to devise plausible sys-
tems, is easily accounted for. Philo, under the influence
of Neo-Platonism, Neo-Pythagoreanism, and old Egyptian
theosophy, had exalted the Supreme Being above contact
with the visible world, and had explained all passages of
the Old Testament that seemed inconsistent with such
exaltation, as referring not to the Absolute Being, but to
a derived being, the Logos. He had adopted an allegori-
cal method of interpretation, according to which the
literal meaning of the Old Testament was of no account,
and a given passage could be made to mean anything
whatsoever, according to the fancy of the interpreter.
Philo's Logos doctrine is obscure from the fact that he
employed the term in several different senses, viz : a.
As a divine faculty, whether of thought or of creation, or
of both together ; ft. as the thinking, creative activity
of God ; c. as the result of thinking, or the ideal world
itself; d. as the active divine principle in the visible
world.' The very obscurity and ambiguity of Philo
would furnish endless material for speculation. So far

^ C/. Mansel, " Gnostic Heresies," p. %».
> Sm Doramr, " Parson of Christ." Div. 1.. Vol. I., p. a4. sif.

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CHAP. II.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 183

as the dependence of the later theosophical systems is
concerned, it is a matter of little importance whether
Philo, in any of his representations of the Logos, meant
to teach the existence of the Logos as a distinct person-
ality. Certainly there is abundant material in Philo that
could be so employed by uncritical speculative theolo-
gians.

Only in those systems in which Oriental features are
marked is there need to suppose any direct connection
with Zoroastrianism and Buddhism.

(4) Characteristics of Gnosticism, a. Dualism, in some
systems absolute, in others not. Matter being regarded
as evil could not have been created by the Supreme
Being, b. Docetism, according to which the Messiah's
body was only an appearance ; or, according to others, a
mere human body temporarily made use of by the Mes-
siah. This docetism was the result of a theory of the
inherent evil of matter, c. Emanations. Most of the
Gnostic systems are characterized by a series of aeons or
emanations from the Supreme Being ; the more remote,
in general, the more degraded. One of the most de-
graded of the emanations figures as the Demiurge or
world-framer. d. Hostility to Judaism, with some, abso-
lute, Jehovah being regarded as positively malignant and
actively hostile to the true God, and hence the Jewish
religion, as entirely diabolical ; with others, more moder-
*ate, Jehovah being regarded as an ignorant and imper-
fect being, and Judaism being regarded as a preparation
for the revelation of the Supreme being in Christ. ^. As -^
the Ebionites rejected the writings of Paul and regarded
Paul as an impostor, so the Gnostics rejected not only
the Jewish religion and Scriptures, but all of the New
Testament except the Pauline Epistles and parts of the Gos-
pels, Peter and James being regarded as servants of the
Demiurge, who tried to keep the people whom Christ
had come to free in the slavery of the Demiurge. /. *--^
Gnosticism was essentially a striving after system. Un-
satisfied with detached truths, men lelt impelled to bring
all truth into absolute harmony. It was speculative and
not practical, conduct being regarded as entirely subor-
dinate to comprehension of the mysteries of the universe.
g. Gnosticism was an aristocratic system. A man was^^

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l84 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL

regarded as exalted in the scale of being in proportion to
his knowledge, not of facts, however, but of supposed
mysteries. The great mass of mankind were sarkical
(fleshly, animal) ; a part psychical (capable of reasoning
about earthly matters) ; the Gnostics themselves were
spiritual (capable of apprehending the divine mysteries).
A. The Gnostic systems were all fatalistic : Man is in his
present condition, not from his own choosing, but from
the method of his creation; from this state he can do
nothing toward freeing himself ; he is absolutely depend-
ent upon the aid that comes from without, i. As matter
was regarded as evil, the Gnostics had great contempt for
the flesh. Some of them practised the most rigid asceti-
cism, in order to overcome the flesh; others held that
everything depended upon the spirit and that the indul-
gence of the flesh was a matter of indifference, and gave
the utmost license to their fleshly inclinations; while
others held that the flesh ought to be destroyed by vice.
Some of the Gnostics, regarding all the characters that
are reprobated in the Old Testament (as Cain, the in-
habitants of Sodom, etc.) as really servants of the true
God, thought that the vices of these ought to be imitated.
k. Gnosticism is distinguished from other theosophical
systems — ^and hence demands consideration in the study
of church history — ^from the fact that it embraces the
>idea of redemption through Christ, a Divine interposition
in the world, in connection with the origin of Christianity,*
to deliver the world from the dominion of evil.

The opposition of the two principles, with the Dualism resting
thereon, and the Gnostic repugnance toward anything material ;
the succession of aeons, through which the relation of God with the
worid is sought to be mediated, but in the place of the Jewish-Chris-
tian idea of a free creation of the world the doctrine of the emanation
of the world from God is posited: the separation of the Creator of
the worid from the one Supreme God ; the putting of Christ in the
same category with other divine beings whose sameness of nature
can only be looked upon as an Infringement upon the absolute dig-
nity of Christ ; the whole process of cosmic development in which
Christianity is so completely entangled that the facts of redemption
achieved through Christ must lose not only their ethical- religious
meaning, but even their historical character— all this formed a ver>'
decided opposition to the fundamental intuition of the Christian con-
sciousness. . . On the other side, Gnosticism had so much that was
related to Christianity and in agreement with it, and as soon as

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CHAP. Il] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY l8s

Christianity had once come to be more widely disseminated among
the higher classes, every educated man initiated in the dominant
ideas of his time felt so keenly the need of himself answering the
same questions with whose solution the Gnostics were oaupied, that
the relation of Christianity to Gnosticism could be, by no means, a
merely hostile and repellent one.^

(5) Gnostic Systems. Gnosticism was so speculative in
its nature, that each important leader, even when adopt-
ing with little or no change the conceptions of his prede-
cessors, was likely to invent a new terminology. This
fact resulted in the almost endless multiplication of
Gnostic parties, each of which is Icnown by the name
of its founder or by some peculiarity of the terminology
or the imagery employed to set forth its ontological and /^
cosmological scheme. Egypt and Syria were the great^"^*^
seminaries of Gnosticism, but Rome, Asia Minor, Meso-
potamia, Armenia, and Eastern Persia furnished fruitful
soil for its propagation.

a. Early Christian tradition made Simon Magus, after
Peter's denunciation of his unholy proposal to purchase
the power of bestowing the Holy Spirit (Acts 8 : 18-24),
a malignant opponent of apostolic Christianity and an
influential disseminator of pestilential heresy. This
Simon of Samaria is said to have associated with himself
a disreputable woman named Helena, and the two are
said to have been worshiped by many of the Samaritans
as the male and female principles of deity.' He is said
to have claimed to be the Word, the Paraclete, and the
Omnipotent One, and to have declared Helena to have
been the first conception of his mind. Through her the
angels and powers of the lower world had been produced,
and through these angels the world had been framed.
He himself and not Jesus, whom he regarded as a mere
man who had received a divine impartation at his bap-
tism, was the true Redeemer of manlcind. His system
seems to have been based on the Syro-Phoenician cos-
mology and to have had an elaborate angelology and a
well-developed astrology. These elements were freely
used in the practice of sorcery. The most noted of
Simon's immediate disciples was Menander, who seems

1 Baur, " Dit dra ersitm Jabrbundtritm** pp. S47. S48.
•JusUn Martyr. " Apol./' L. ■6* s6. " Dial, witb Trypbo." lao.

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I86 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a

to have been content with propagating the views of his
master, but to have put himself in the place of honor
instead of Simon.

b. Saturninus, the founder of Syrian Gnosticism, is
said to have been a disciple of Simon and Menander.
According to Irenaeus (I., 24) he ''taught that there is
one Father unknown to all, who made angels, archangels,
powers, and principalities ; that the world and all that
IS therein was made by certain angels, seven in num-
ber ; and that man was made by the angels." He was
fashioned after the likeness of a bright manifestation of
supreme power ; but being unable to stand, " the superior
power pityins him, . . sent a spark of life, which raised
him upright. ' " The God of the Jews . . . was one
of the angels, and because the Father wished to depose
all the principalities from their sovereignty, Christ came
to depose the God of the Jews, and for the salvation of
those who trust in him ; that is to say, of those who
have in them the spark of life." Marriage and procrea-
tion he attributed to Satan. He rejected animal food and
practised a rigorous asceticism. He denied the human
birth of the Saviour and regarded his body as a mere
appearance.

c. Tatian, a learned rhetorician, who had been con-
verted to Christianity through Justin Martyr at Rome
(c. 155), and had written an apology for Christianity
Ic, 165), was perverted to Syrian Gnosticism shortly
afterward and wrote the " Diatessaron," in which he
combined the four Gospel narratives into one, eliminat-
ing the genealogies and all passages referring to our
Lord's Jewish descent (c. 175). He advocated and
practised extreme asceticism, condemning marriage and
the use of animal food, and using water for wine in the
Supper. He regarded the creation of the world and the
Old Testament revelation as the work of an imperfect
Demiurge. The " Diatessaron " in its Syriac form was
in common use in Syria till the fifth century. Tatian
had vastly more knowledge of historical Christianity
than had most of the Gnostic teachers.

d. BasilideSy a man deeply versed in Greek and Jewish
Alexandrian philosophy and in old Egyptian theosophy,
and who may have come under the influence of the teach*

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CHAP. IL] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 187

ings of Simon Magus and Menander, appeared in Alexan-
dria as a religious leader about 133. His philosophy was
fundamentally pantheistic. His favorite designation of
God was the ** Non-existent One." He starts out with
an absolute void and seeks to account for the phenoin •
enal world. Hippolytus attributes to him the following
statement :

Since, therefore, there was nothing, neither matter nor substance,
nor unsubstantial, nor simple, nor compound, nor Inconceivable,
nor imperceptible, Tior man, nor angel, nor God, nor in short any of
the things that are named or perceived by the senses or conceived
by the intellect, but all things being thus, and more minutely than
thus, simply obliterated, the non-existent God . . . without thought,
«vithout sense, without counsel, without choice, without passion,
i^ithout desire, willed to make a world. When I say willed, I mean
to signify without will and without thought and without sense;
and by tne world I mean not that which was afterward made and
separated by size and division, but the seed of the world. . . Thus
the non-existent God made a non-existent world from things non-
existent, having cast down and deposited a single seed, having in
itself the universal seed of the world.

This seed contained the three-fold sonship, of the same
essence as the non-existent God. The first was purely
spiritual, the second was thought of as the more refined
material essences (the firmament and the atmosphere),
the third seems identified with the spiritual essence con-
nected with material substance of the grosser sort and
as in. need of purification. After the firmament had been
formed there sprang forth out of the seed of the world
the Great Ruler {Archon), " the wisest and most power-
ful and brightest of mundane existences, superior to all
beneath, except that portion of the divine sonship which
still remained in the world." Ignorant of what was
above the firmament and thinking himself supreme, he
undertook the work of creation. Having begotten a son
more powerful than himself and seated him on his right
hand, he unwittingly accomplished the counsel of the
non-existent God in forming the celestial and the ethereal
creation. The celestial and ethereal spheres and their
rulers constitute the Ogdoad, and the Great Archon
bears the mystical name Abrasax, the value of whose
letters makes the number 365. This would seem to
identify the Great Archon with the sun and to show

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1 88 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. U

the relationship of the system to the current sun-wor<
ship.

In the lower sphere a second Archon is developed who
forms the Hebdomad, who also begins with the begetting
of a son greater than himself. This second ruler is iden-
tified with the God of the Jews and the framer of this
lower world. The third sonship is the portion of the
divine life and light that has become imprisoned in matter^
and the work of redemption consists in the liberation of
this divine substance and its lifting up through the Heb-
domad and the Ogdoad into the infinite.

Basilides secured a large following in Rome as well as
in Egypt, and the influence of his theosophizing was
widespread. His writings, which consisted of a recen-
sion of the gospel narrative, liturgical works, and an ex-
position of his cosmological and soteriological system
have perished, except the few fragments that are pre-
served by his opponents. But underneath the some-
what fantastic imagery there seems to have been serious
and profound thinking on the great problems of being.

e. yalentinus, also a Greek-speaking Egyptian philoso-
pher, appeared in Rome as the propagator of an elabor-
ate cosmological and soteriological system about 135,
and may have continued to labor there with some inter-
missions until about 160. His system is far the most
elaborate and was far the most popular of those devel-
oped in Egypt. He seems to have remained in nominal
connection with the regular churches until after his
departure from Rome. His was the form of Gnosticism
with which Irenasus came into closest contact and which
was the occasion of the writing of his great work against
heresies. The philosophical basis of his system was
identical with that of Basilides ; but he was not so care*
ful as Basilides to insist on the original non-existence of
God and everything. He starts oiit with Depth (Buthos)
and Silence (Sige) as the eternal male and female prin-
ciples. These project Mind and Truth, which in turn
project Word and Life. These produce Man and Church
(not the mundane). Rejoicing in their productivity,
they produce and present to the Father ten aeons, a per-
fect number. Man and Church project twelve asons, of
which the last is Wisdom (Sophia). This lowest aon

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CHAP. II.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 1 89

sought to emulate the Father by independently produ-
cing offspring. The result was an abortion, who igno-
rantly proceeded to create this world and to involve in
matter a portion of the divine substance that he pos-
sessed, this Demiurge was identified with the God of
the Jews, and the Old Testament Scriptures were re-
garded as inspired by him. Mind and Truth projected,
thereupon, Christ and the Holy Spirit to restore Form,
to destroy the abortion, and to comfort the sorrowing
Sophia. The work of redemption is to liberate the spir-
itual nature in man from the evil material existence and
the passions by which it is enslaved and to facilitate its
escape into the pleroma (divine fullness). For this pur-
pose the thirty aeons are supposed to have joined in pro^
jecting Jesus, the great High Priest, whose incarnation
was only apparent, and whose task it was to restore
Sophia and all of the spiritual substance that had become
diffused and enslaved through the Demiurge.

/. The " Pisiis Sopkia^^^ the only Important Gnostic writing that
has reached us in a state approximating completeness, was probably
writen in Greek late in the second or early m the third century, but
is extant only in a Coptic version. It exhibits Gnosticism in a
highly developed state and seems to make more of historical Chris-
tianiW than did many Gnostic writings. The title consists of two
Greek words meaning ** Faith Wisdom.*' It is the name applied to
a female seon, or emanation from the Supreme Light, who having
caught a glimpse of the Supreme Li^ht, t>ecame discontented with
her position and consumed with a desire to return into thie infinite.
To punish her for this unholy ambition, Adamas, the ruier of her
sphere, led her by a false light to plunge into chaos, where she was
beset by evil spints, eager to rob her of the light that she possessed.
The visible world, including mankind, resulted from the commin-
fi^iing of light with darkness. The subject-matter of the book is a
nill exposition of the way in which PIstis Sophia, including all the
light and life that humanity possesses, is delivered and restored.

Several mysteries, or secret initiatory rites, are here described, the
efficacy of each being carefully explained. These mysteries, it may
be presumed, were practised by the Gnostics themsdves, the degree
of attainment in Christian knowledge and in immunity from the
powers of evil being marked by the number of mystenes through
which they had passed.

The work is in the form of dialogues between the Saviour and his
disciples. Mary Magdalene is the most frequent questioner, and
she, along with John, is represented as surpassing the other dis-
ciples in spiritual insight.

Among the mysteries baptism occupies a prominent place. 1 quote
from King some of the more Interesting statements: '' Then came

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190 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER II

forth Mary and said : Lord, under what form do Baptisms remit
sins? I have heard thee saying that the Ministers of Conten-
tions [accusing evil spirits] follow after the soul, bearing witness
against it of all the sins that it hath committed, so that they
may convict it in the judgments. Now, therefore. Lord, do the
mysteries of Baptism blot out the sins that be in the hands of the
Receivers of Contention, so that they shall utteriy forget the same?
Now, therefore. Lord, tell us in what form they remit sins ; for we
desire to know them thoroughly? Then the Saviour answered and
said: Thou hast well spoken: of a truth those Ministers are they
that testify against all sins, for they abide constantly In the places
of judgment, laying hold upon the souls, convicting all the souls of
sinners who have not received the mystery, and they keep them
fast in chaos tormenting them. But these contentious ones cannot

f)ass over chaos so as to enter into the courses that be above chaos ;
n order to convict the souls therefore receiving the mysteries, it is
not lawful for them to force so as to drag them down into chaos,
where the Contentious Receivers may convict them. But the souls
of such as have not received the mysteries, these do they desire and
haie into chaos : whereas the souls that have received the mysteries
they have no means of convicting, seeing that they cannot get out
of their own place ; and even if they did come forth, they could not
stop those souls, neither shut them up in their chaos. Hearken,
therefore, I will declare to you in truth in what form the mystery of
baptism remitteth sins. If the souls when yet living in the world
have been sinful, the contentious receivers verily do come that they
may bear witness of all the sins they have committed, but they can
by no means come forth out of the regions of chaos, so as to con-
vict the soul in the places of judgment that be beyond chaos. But
the counterfeit of the spirit [probably equivalent to conscience] testi-
fies against all the sins of the soul, in order to convict it in the
places of judgment that be beyond chaos ; not only doth it testify,
but it also sets a seal upon all tne sins of the soul, so as to print them
firmly upon the soul, that all the rulers of the judgment place of the
sinners may know that it is the soul of a sinner, and likewise know
the number of the sins which it hath committed from the seals that
the counterfeit of the spirit hath imprinted on it, so that they may
punish the soul according to the number of its sins: this is the
manner in which they treat the soul of a sinner. Now, therefore, if
any one hath received the mysteries of baptism, those mysteries
become a great fire, exceeding strong and wise, so as to bum up all
the sins ; and the fire entereth into the soul secretly, so that it may
consume within it all the sins which the counterfeit of the spirit hath
printed there. Likewise it entereth into the body secretly, that it
may pursue all its pursuers, and divide them into parts— for it pur-
sueth within the body the counterfeit of the spirit and Fate— so that
it may divide them apart from the Power and the Soul, and place
them in one part of the body— so that the fire separates the counter-
feit of the spirit. Fate, and the Body into one portion, and the Soul
and the Power Into another portion. [According to this representa-
tion, human nature consists of five parts : conscience, or the register-
ing and accusing element ; fate or destiny, which Implies the resist-

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ChAP. !l.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY I9I

less tendency toward evil that belongs to humanity thus constituted :
ttie body, conceived of as evil and as a hindrance to the highest end
of being ; the soul in the more limited sense : and the power, which
seems to mean the particle of deity that is the portion of each indi-
vidual.] The mystery of baptism remaineth in the middle of them,
so that it may perpetually separate them, so that it may purge and
cleanse them in order that they may not be polluted by matter. Now,
therefore, Mary, this is the manner whereby the mystery of bap-
tism remitteth sins and all transgressions." ^
Then follows Mary's interpretation of our Lord's saying, Luke

12 : 49-52 : '* I came to cast fire upon the earth : and what will 1,
tf it is already kindled? But 1 have a baptism to be baptized with :
and how am 1 straitened till it be accomplished I Think ye that I

am come to give peace in the earth ? 1 tell you, nay ; but rather di-
vision ; for there shall be from henceforth five in one house divided,
three against two, and two against three. This, saith Mary,
signifieth the mystery of baptism which thou hast brought into
the world, because it nath brought about dissension in the body of
the world, because it hath divided the counterfeit of the spirit, the
body and the fate thereof, into one party, and the soul and the
power into the other party. The same is. There shall be three
against two, and two against three. And when Mary had spoken
^ese things the Saviour said : Well done, thou Spiritual One in the
pure light, this is the interpretation of my saying.^'

This Gnostic explanation and justification of the doctrine of bap-
tismal regeneration has a great advantage over those of other parties
in that it seriously undertakes to explain the process. Human nature
has in it five elements, three evil and damning in their character and
tendency, and two fundamentally good. The problem is to separate
these and to place an insuperable barrier between them. This is
precisely the function of the mysteiy of baptism, which enters into
the nature like a penetrating, searching fire and separates and keeps
separate these elements, leaving the good elements free to proceed
toward the glorious end of being.

(g) Marcion, a native of Pontus, went to Rome about
138 or 139 and became a member of the Roman church.
Failing in an attempt to bring the church to his way of
thinking, he felt constrained to organize his adherents
into a separate church and to inaugurate an active prop-
aganda. Within a few years he had built up a strong
community in Rome and organizations of his followers
, had been formed in most of the provinces. He seems
to have entertained the hope of gaining universal ac-
ceptance for his views. He was unquestionably a man
of profound earnestness and of marked ability, and he
labored in the spirit of a reformer. He was almost

1 •' The Gaostlct aad Tbtlr Renuilos/' p. ml Mf*

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192 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. It

wholly free from the speculative spirit that permeated
the Egyptian and the Syrian Gnosticism. He did not
exalt knowledge above faith, he did not embody his
views in fantastic imagery drawn from pagan cults, he
did not distinguish, as did most Gnostics, between the
esoteric doctrines understood by the select few and the
exoteric teachings to be imparted to the masses. In fact
it is doubtful whether he should be called a Gnostic at
all.' He had become convinced that Judaism is evil and
only evil, and his mission was to eliminate every vestige
of it from the religion of Christ. Accepting the Old
Testament as the genuine revelation of the God of the
Jews, he declared that Jehovah could not be the same
as the God of the New Testament. He based his con-
ceptions of Christianity on the writings of Paul, and
formed a New Testament canon embracing, besides
these, a modified edition of Luke's Gospel. By a dili-
gent study of the Old Testament, he gathered every-
thing contained in it that could be interpreted in such a
manner as to reflect on the character of Jehovah : every-
thing anthropomorphic or anthropopathic, everything that
could be construed into requirement or approval of im-
morality and cruelty. With the teachings of the Old
Testament he contrasted the spirituality, the gentleness,
the mercifulness, and the lofty morality of the life and
the teachings of Christ. He denied that God is an
object of fear ; he is love and requires love alone of his
children. Christ took absolutely nothing from the king-
dom of the Demiurge. His birth, his physical life, and
his death were merely apparent. Yet he laid the utmost
stress upon the redemptive work of Christ, which he
considered absolutely requisite for man's salvation.

Marcion seems not to have speculated as to the
origin of evil. The Demiurge and his kingdom are ap-
parently regarded as existing from eternity. Matter he
regarded as intrinsically evil and he practised a rigorous
asceticism.

Marcionism found ready acceptance in Mesopotamia
and Persia, where dualism had existed from time im-
memorial, and persisted there for centuries. Its influence

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<:hap. il] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 195

is apparent in Manichaeism, which was far more remote
from historical Christianity, in Paulicianism, which, in
its purer forms, was almost free from dualism, and in
early Armenian Christianity in general.

(6) Influence of Gnosticism on Christian thought and
life. During most of the second century and part of the
third Gnosticism was highly aggressive and became
widely diffused throughout the Christian churches. In
some cases Gnostic teachers carried forward their propa-
ganda as members of regular Christian churches, and
were able to win many of the most intelligent members
before their withdrawal became necessary. Few
churches, it may be supposed, were wholly free from the
presence and personal influence of parties imbued with
Gnostic teaching. Professing, as did the Gnostics, to
solve all the great problems of the universe and in most
cases commending themselves to pious Christians by
great earnestness and zeal and by ascetic living,
they easily gained followers among those who were
predisposed to speculative thinking and to asceticism,
despite all the efforts of the teachers of sound evangeli-
cal truth. After several of the great Gnostic leaders
had been excluded from fellowship in the regular
churches, and their teaching had come to be denounced
as heretical by churches that were able to resist their
proselytizing efforts, it became comparatively easy for
Christians to expose their errors and to put believers
everywhere on their guard against them. The influence
cf Gnosticism on Christian life and thought is manifest
in the following directions : a. Christian teachers were
obliged to defend the apostolic faith against its able and
seductive assailants. To do this effectively it was neces-
sary for them not only to study the writings of the false
teachers, but also to study more profoundly than they
might otherwise have done the Old and New Testament
Scriptures and the writings of the Greek philosophers on
which the teachings of the heretics so largely rested.
Such study led to the philosophical statement of Chris-
tian doctrines. Naturally the Greek philosophy, already
deeply imbedded in current thinking, was the molding in-
fluence in the transformation of the unsystematized ma-
terials of the New Testament into the Christian dogmas

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194 A MANUAL or CHURCH HISTORY [per. 11

of the third and following centuries, b. The fondness of
the Gnostics for ** mysteries " or secret rites, which they
drew largely from the Greek and Egyptian mysteries,
and their introduction of elaborate and pompous liturgical
services, no doubt stimulated in the regular churches a
taste for similar accessories to worship, c. In general it
may be said that Gnosticism led the way in the amal-
gamation of Christian and pagan thought and life that
was to transform the religion of Christ and his apostles
into the Christianity of the third and following centuries.

3. 7^ Manickceans.

LITERATURE : Archelaus, '* ^cta Disfmt. cum Matuts," in Routh
'"Reliquia Sac.,'* V., 3, ssq. (Enff. tr. " Ante-Nic. Libr."), Alex-
anderof Lycop. (Eng. tr. •'Antc-Nic. Libr."); Titus Bostrensis,
** Contra tAfanickaos*^; Epiphanius, 66; Augustine, various tracts
against Manichsans in '* Qf>crq," vol. Vlll., ed. Bened. (Eng. tr.
in " Nicene and Post-Nlcenc Fathers," First Series, Vol. IV., by
Stothert and A. H. Newman, with notes by the latter) ; documents in
Fabricius, " Biblioih. Gr," V., 285, ssq., and VIlI., 315, uq^and in
Photius, ''Bibliothfca," cod. 179. Pressensc " Her. and Chr. Doctr." ;
Gieseler, I.; 203, ssq,, Schafr, II., 498* s^Q-; Mceller, I., 280. sm,;
Neander, I., 478, uq, ; Wegnem, '* Manichceorum IndtUgetttiar^ ; De
Sacy, *' Mtmoiris sur 'Dwirsss Antiq, d$ la Peru,** 289, ssq. ; Beausobre,
^^ Hist, critiqui de Man.**; Baur, ^^ Das Manichmsche Reltgumssytem**:
art. '* Mani," in Herzog. " Britannica," and •'Diet, of Ch. Biog.,'*
by Kessler, Hamacic, and Stokes, respectively ; Flugel,*' Mam\ seme
Lehre u. seme Schriften, aus dem Ftkrist d. Ahi Jakub an Nadim **;
Kessier, ** Untersuchtmgen ^r Genesis d. Man. ReL Systems" and '* Mam\
Oder Beitrea. {ur Bekenntniss </. Relunonsmischung im Semitismns**;
Mozley, '* Manichsans," etc. (in " Ruling Ideas in Early Ages") ;
Cunningham, " St Austin and his Place in the History of Christian
Thought."

(i) Characterisation of Manichceism. Manichsism is
Gnosticism, with its Christian elements reduced to a
minimum, and the Zoroastrian, old Babylonian, and other
Oriental elements raised to the maximum. Manichaeism
is Oriental dualism under Christian names, the Christian
names employed retaining scarcely a trace of their proper
meaning.

(2) Oririn of Manichansm. Christianity had been
introduced into Persia at an early date and was either of
a Gnostic character when first introduced, or soon
became such from contact with the State religion. By
the middle of the third century Christians were numer-

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CHAP. II.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 195

ous in Persia, and had made considerable impression
upon the dominant Zoroastrianism. After a period of
decline Zoroastrianism, in its original strongly dualistic
form, was restored by the Sassanides about the middle
of the second century. Mani, a Mesopotamian, who
had been brought up in connection with a sect of old
Babylonian origin, having been brought into contact with
Christianity, conceived the idea (probably about 238) of
blending Oriental dualism and Christianity into a har-
monious whole. Supposing that Christianity had been
corrupted by the preponderance of Jewish elements, he
set to work, in Gnostic fashion, to eliminate all Judaizing
elements, and to substitute therefor Zoroastrianism. He
regarded himself, at the same time, as an apostle of
Jesus Christ, and as the promised Paraclete. Mani was
skilled in various sciences and arts — mathematics, as-
tronomy, painting — ^and had an ardent, profound mind.
He seems also to have had a highly attractive personal-
ity. He was thus enabled to spread his views with great
rapidity. Driven from Persia, he is said to have traveled
in India and China. Here he doubtless came in contact
with Buddhism, from which he may have derived new
elements for his theosophical system. Returning to
Persia, he was greatly honored by the new king, but
was ordered to be crucified by his successor (about 277).
(3) Doctrines of Manichmsm. The most fundamental
thing in Manichaeism is its absolute dualism. The
''kingdom of light "and the ''kingdom of darkness,"
with their rulers, stand eternally opposed to each other.
The victory is not doubtful, but belongs to the '* king-
dom of light." Inside of this dualism exists a sort of
pantheism, i. e., each element of the dualism is conceived
of as a unity evolving itself into multiformity. From the
ruler of the " kingdom of light " emanates the " mother
of life." "The mother of life " generates the "primi-
tive man," with a view to opposing him to the powers of
darkness. " Primitive man " is worsted in the conflict,
and appeals to the ruler of the " kingdom of light " for
aid. " Primitive man " is raised again, but the " king-
dom of darkness " has swallowed part of his armor, i, e.,
part of his light. This stolen light formed the mundane
souU now mixed up with matter. The object of the

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196 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER II

creation of the world was to liberate the light thus mixed
up with matter.

(4) Points of Contact with Christianity. The ''primi-
tive man," who was withdrawn from the "kingdom of
darkness," was placed in the sun as its principle of heat
and light. This was identified with the Logos, or Son of
God. All growth, whether of plants or of animals, is
an effort of the fettered powers of light to escape from
the powers of darkness, prompted by the heat and light
of the Sun, or the Son of God. The ruler of the kingdom
of darkness, seeing that the powers of light which he
held were thus about to be liberated, resolved to create
a being in whom these powers might be charm-bound.
Man is formed from the longing of the powers of dark-
ness for a form like that of the Sun-Spirit The object
was to concentrate all the powers of light into a single
being that should be able to attract and retain the
heavenly light. Man, thus created, consisted of two
opposite principles — ^a soul like the kingdom of light, and
a body like the kingdom of darkness. The higher nature
was tempted by the lower, and the soul that would have
ascended to the kingdom of light was divided by propa-
gation. The object of the historical appearance of
Christ in the world (his bodily manifestation was only
an appearance — Docetism) was to aid the good principle
in man to overcome the evil, and by this means to liber-
ate the elements of light from their bondage.

(5) Morals and Customs of the Manichceans. The
Manichseans were divided into two classes, the elect or
perfect and the auditors. The former alone were admitted
to the secret rites — baptism, communion, etc., — which
are supposed to have been celebrated with great pomp,
in much the same way as they were celebrated by the
Catholics a little later. The " elect " were a sacerdotal
class, forming a sort of connecting link between the
" auditors " and the " kingdom of light." The " elect "
practised a Buddhist asceticism, possessing no property,
abstaining from marriage, from wine, from animal food,
were extremely careful not to destroy animal or vege-
table life (on account of the elements of light they con-
tained), and occupied themselves with contemplatioi^
and devotion. The " auditors," who always constituted

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Chap. Ii.] INTERNAL bEVELOPMENT OF CHRlStlANlTY I9?

the bulk of the Manichasans, were allowed more free-
dom, and were supposed to participate in the holiness of
the ** elect," in consideration of bestowing upon them
the necessaries of life. The Manichseans rejected the
Old Testament, and treated the New Testament in the
most arbitrary way, rejecting whatever seemed unfavor-
able to their views, and maintaining that even the apos-
tles did not fully understand Christ.

(6) Effects of Manichceism on the Regular Churches.
Absurd and unchristian as this system seems to us, it
claimed to be the only true Christianity, and by its lofty
pretensions and the personal power of many of its advo-
cates drew much of the intellect of the age into its ranks.
We may say that, in connection with other influences, it
stimulated : a. The ascetical spirit, with degradation of
marriage, the exaltation of virginity, the regarding of the
sexual instinct as absolutely evil and to be overcome by
all possible means, b. The introduction of pompous
ceremonial Into the church, c. The systematizing of
Christian doctrine, d. Sacerdotalism, or the belief that
ministers of religion are intermediaries between God and
man, possessing, by virtue of their office, extraordinary
power with God. e. As the result of this sacerdotalism,
the doctrine of indulgences (though in its development
other influences can be distinguished) was introduced
into the church.

During the fourth and fifth centuries ManichaBism gained great
popularity in Italy and North Africa. In the West it came into more
vital relations with Christianity, and for a time was a most danger-
ous rival of orthodoxy. Augustine, the greatest of the Latin
Fathers, was for many years connected with the Manichseans and
his modes of thought were greatiy affected by this experience.

4. The Monarchian Heresies.

Literature : See pertinent sections in the works on the History
of Doctrine, by Harnack, Seebach, Loofs, Thomasius, Baur, Hagen-
bach, Shedd, Sheldon, and Fisher: Dorner, *' The Person of Christ,*'
Div. L, Vol. II. ; Conybeare, '• The Key of Truth," 1898 ; and arti«
des on " Monarchianfsm," and on the various subordinate parties
and their leaders in '* Dictionary of Christian Biography,'' and the
Herzog-Hauck *' RuO-Etu^klopaduy

The type of teaching represented by Theodotus and
Paul of Samosata is commonly designated by German

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tQ^ A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II

writers Dynamistic Monarchianism, as distinguished from
the Modalistic Monarchianism of Noetus, Praxeas, Sabel-
liuSy and Beryllus. In the one case the man Jesus is re-
garded as energized and exalted by the Divine Spirit, in
the other the incarnation is regarded as only a mode of
the Divine activity and manifestation.

(i) Dynamistic Monarchianism. a. The t/llogoi. This
term was applied by Epiphanius (c, 375) to those who
in the second century opposed the Logos (Word) doc-
trine of John's Gospel. They are said to have re-
jected not only the fourth Gospel, but the Johannean
Apocalypse and the Johannean Epistles as well. Epi-
phanius relates that they- not only denied the eternity of
the Logos as a person of the Godhead, but attributed the
Johannean Gospel and Apocalypse to Cerinthus, who is
elsewhere represented as the arch-enemy of the Apostle
John. They sought to show that the Christology of the
fourth Gospel was contradictory to that of the Synoptic
Gospels, which, they claimed, know nothing of the
eternal sonship. They are represented as having arisen
in opposition to the Montanistic prophecy.*

b. The first representative of Dynamistic Monarchian-
ism whose views have been recorded is Theodoius of By-
zantium, who sought to propagate his views in the Roman
church, about 190. According to an anonymous writer,'
Theodotus held to the supernatural birth of Jesus, but
insisted that he was a *' mere man " until his baptism,
when the Holy Spirit came upon him and bestowed upon
him Divine attributes. This form of doctrine, known in
the later times as Adoptionism, was condemned by the
Roman Church.

c. Paul of Samosata, bishop of Antioch (260 onward),
was for some time a sort of viceroy to Queen Zenobia
of Palmyra. About 269 he was excommunicated by a
great provincial synod, after years of bitter controversy.
After the fall of Zenobia (272), the Emperor Aurelian
sustained the party that had the approval of the Italian
bishops, and excluded Paul from the use of ecclesiastical
property. His views were widely propagated in Meso-

1 See Epiphanius, **Hmrts." so-S4*

* By some supposed to have been Hlppolytus. by others Calus. The extant fraf-
nents are published In Routh's " nuiifuitt Sacnr," English translation in Auto*
Micene Library, American edition. Vol. v., p. 6oi, uq.

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CHAP.il] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 199

potamia and Armenia, and his name was probably per
petuated in the great Paulician body, who have iiept
alive his form of doctrine till the present century. Like
Theodotus and his followers he insisted on the absolute
unipersonality of God. Father, Son, and Holy Spirit
are one God, one person. Logos and Wisdom are attri-
butes or faculties of God. Christ was begotten of Mary
by the Holy Spirit, and at his baptism was energized by
the divine Logos (Word). Yet he refused to identify
Christ with the Logos. Thus he regarded Jesus as a
divinely begotten man, energized by the Holy Spirit (or
the Logos) and so exalted to Divine dignity and honor.
Of his efficiency as the Saviour of men he seems to
have entertained no doubt.

Only a few sentences from his writings have been
preserved. The following are the most important, and
may fairly represent his mode of thought :

Having been anointed by the Holy Spirit, he (Jesus) was given
the title of Christ. He suffered according to his nahire, he worked
miracles according to grace. For by his unflinching, unblenched
will and resolution he made himself like unto God ; and, having
kept himself free from sin, he was made one with him, and was em-
powered to take up, as it were, the power to perform miracles. By
means of these he was shown to have one and the same energy in
addition to the will (f. /., of God), and so received the title of Re-
deemer and Saviour of our race.

Again :

The Saviour having approved himself holy and just, and having
overcome by conflict and labor the sins of our forefather,— having
won these successes by his virtue,— was joined with God, having by
his progressive advances in goodness attained to one and the same
will and energy with him. And having preserved the same undi-
vided, he doth inherit the Name that is above every name, the reward
of love that was vouchsafed to him.

Again :

The Word is greater than Christ, for Christ became great
through wisdom.

Again :

Mary did not bring forth the Word, for Mary was not before the
ages. But she brought forth a man on a level with ourselves. It if

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200 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.R

the man that is anointed, not the Word. It is the Nazarene, our
Lord, that was anointed.^

d. In the "t^cis of Archelaus,** purporting to be a
record of a disputation between Archelaus, bishop of
Karkhar, in Persia, and Mani, the heretical leader (latter
part of third century), views similar to those of Paul of
Samosata are set forth by the bishop. This fact would
seem to indicate the prevalence of Adoptionist teaching
in Persia and the neighboring parts of Armenia. '* Tell
me," says Archelaus, "upon whom the Holy Spirit de-
scended as a dove ? Also, who is it that was baptized
by John ? If he was perfect, if he was Son, if he was
virtue (i. e., Divine power), the Spirit could not have
entered into him, inasmuch as one kingdom cannot enter
into another. But whose voice sounding from heaven
testified to him, saying : * This is my beloved Son in
whom 1 am well pleased ' ? "

Archelaus asserts the Adoptionist view of the person of
Christ in opposition to the docetism of Mani and the
Gnostics. The idea of a Divine incarnation seems to
have been inseparable, in his mind, from the view that
the humanity was a mere appearance.

Regarding the persistence of the Adoptionist Christology in the
East, see the section on the Paulidans in the next Period.

The Theodotians are represented as seeking to substantiate their
views by a critical study of the Old and New Testament Scriptures,
and as being much given to the study of the logical and mathemat-
ical works of the Greeks. They seem to have rejected the allegorical
method of interpretation, and may be regarded as the forerunners of
the Antiochian school.

It will be noticed that this view of the person of Christ is In es-
sential agreement with that of the Ebionites ; but there is no reason
to suppose that Theodotus and his followers were related historically
to the Judaizing heresy. The Adoptionist Christology seems to be
Implied in the '^Shepherd " of Hermas, and possibly m Justin Mar-
tyr's ''Dialogue with Trypho." It is probable that this type of
teaching was eariy diffused in Mesopotamia, Persia, and Armenia.
It was to become the prevailing form of teaching in Armenia, and to
be perpetuated there by the Paulicians, who for centuries disputed
the ground with the Gregorian party.

(2) (Modalistic SMonarchianism. This term may be
used to include the views of Noetus and Sabellius, com-

^ Cf. Conybcfo-e. " The Key of Trutb/' bitrodiictivii. p. xcfv.. «cf.

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CHAP, n.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 201

bated by Hippolytus, those of Praxeas, elaborately re-
futed by Tertullian, and those of Beryllus of Bostra,
whom Origen convinced of his error.

a. About 195, Praxeas, who had suffered severely for
the faith in Asia Minor, visited Rome in order to prevent
the recognition of the Montanists by the Roman bishop.
When Victor, who had been favorably impressed by the
representations of the Montanists, was on the point of
giving them letters of commendation, Praxeas succeeded,
as Tertullian puts it, in expelling the Paraclete and cru-
cifying the Father, 1. ^., in causing the condemnation of
the Montanists, who claimed to be the organs of the
Paraclete, and in spreading his Patripassian heresy. It
does not appear that he gained many followers in Rome,
but he visited Carthage afterward, and his propaganda
there was very successful. About 210, Tertullian, now
a Montanist, put forth the most powerful polemic against
this type of teaching that the age produced.

b. Noetus of Smyrna sought to propagate similar views
either in Smyrna or in Ephesus, about the time of
Praxeas' visit to Rome. When, some years after, he
was condemned and excommunicated by the presbyters
of his community, he claimed that he was guilty of noth-
ing but "glorifying Christ." His disciple, Epigonus,
propagated his views in Rome {c. 200 onward). The
bishop, Zephyrinus, and his coadjutor and successor,
Callistus, according, to Hippolytus, secretly aided the
propaganda. Cleomenes became one of the most active
of the propagandists. Sabellius was won over to this
mode of thought, notwithstanding the earnest efforts of
Hippolj^us to save him from this fate. Callistus, when
he became bishop (217), felt obliged to condemn Sabel-
lius, but is represented by Hippolytus as fostering a
similar form of teaching.

It is difficult to get at the exact form in which Modalistic
Monarchianism was taught by this party. We are almost
wholly dependent on their adversaries, who wrote with
such passion that we cannot but suspect unfairness of
representation. They evidently regarded men like Hip-
polytus and Tertullian, who insisted on the absolute
Deity of Christ, and yet distinguished him from the
Father, as ditheists. They were equally convinced of the

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202 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II

absolute Deity of Christ, but they refused to distinguish
between Father and Son as different personalities. They
identified Christ with the Father, and did not hesitate to
attribute to God as God whatever can be attributed to
God incarnate, including birth, suffering, and death.
Hence the designation ** Patripassian."

For further information about the Modalistic MonarchianSt see tha
sections on Hlppolytus and Tertullian in the next chapter.

111. REACTIONARY AND REFORMING PARTIES.

I. Tbe Mantatdsts.

LITERATURE : Tertullian, Montanistic writings, esp. *' TV Cb-

** Di MoHogamia^'^ *' 'D# PudicUiai^ *' 7)/ Jmrnm^^ '* 'D# yirgmibMS
yslandis'' ^* T)$ Pallm " (Eng. tr. in Ante-Nicene Library) ; Euse-
bius. " Church History/' V., 14-18 (based upon earlier documents;
McUiffert's notes are of great value); Epiphanius, **//«r.," 48
and 49 ; Sozomen, *' Church History,^' 11., yi. Pressensi '* Her.
and Chr. Doctr.." p. loi, ssq, ; Mossman, '^History of the Early
Christian Church.,'' p. 401, uq.; Neander, Vol. L, p. 508, ssq.;
Schaff, Vol. 11., p. 40$, s$q.; Moeller. Vol. I., p. if;6, seq.; Bon-
wetsch, **G$sch. dss Montanisfims** ; Hamack, *^ Dopiungssckicku"
Bd. 1., Siit, 3C^, siq. ; Hilgenfeld, ** Ktturgiseh.^** SmT. {OI. ssq. ;
De Soyr^ *^Montanism and the Primitive Church"; Bishop of
Bristol, '*The Ecclesiastical History of the Second and Third Cen-
tury"; Uhlhom, "Conflict Between Christianity and Heathen-

ism " ; Rltschl, ** AHkath. Kirchi,'' Sift. UM^^, siq. ; Baur, *' Church
History of the Three First Centuries,'* Vol. I., p. 245, «f.. Vol. II.,

Kirchi d. {Wiitm JahrhumUrts" ; art '^Montanism" In the encyclo-
pedias referred to above.

(i) Characteristics of Mantanism. We may regard
Montanism : j. As a reactionary movement against the
innovations that were being introduced into the churches
through the influence of Gnosticism and of paganism in
general ; especially against the emphasizing or knowledge
at the expense of faith, against laxity of discipline in
the churches, and consequently of morals in the members,
against the merging of the churches in the world, against
the growth of hierarchy, against the growing disbelief in
contemporaneous special providences and revelations.

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CHAP, il] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 203

b. As a movement Judaistic in its tendencies : not in
the sense of exalting Judaism above Christianity, for
the Montanists are decided in their preference fof Chris-
tianity as a higher stage of divine revelation than Juda-
ism ; nor in the sense of adhering to Jewish forms and
customs, for many things approved of in the Old Testa-
ment, as repeated marriages, the use of wine, etc., are'
reprobated by the Montanists ; nor in the sense of Ebio-
nitic denial of the divinity of Christ, for they maintained
this most persistently. But in spirit the J^tontanists were
Judaistic. They were legalists, attempting to make re-
ligion to consist largely in outward observances. They
regarded themselves as occupying a position similar to
that of the prophets of the'pld Testament, with thei.
ecstatic visions, etc.

c. We may say, that while in a sense Montanism
was a reaction against innovation, it was yet innovating
in its tendencies, and anticipated the post-Nicene churches
that consider;»(r themselves ** Catholic " in many of its
most distinctive features. In general, the very features
of Montanism which led to its rejection by the churches
of the time were, within two centuries, part and parcel
of the doctrine of these churches: e.g., exaltation of
virginity and widowhood, arbitrary division of sins into
mortal and venial, undue exaltation of martyrdom, etc.

d. Hence, Montanism may be regarded as in one sense
a forerunner of later reformatory bodies, but in a more
important sense as a forerunner of the ascetic Christianity
of the fourth and following centuries.

e. The Montanists exaggerated the opposition between
Christianity and the world. They had an almost Gnostic
contempt for the flesh,^ and believed that sensual pleasure
of any sort was hurtful to the spiritual life. The present
life they regarded as of no consequence except as a time
of preparation for the life beyond. Montanism was,
therefore, an impracticable system. In the nature of
things, Christianity, in that form, could never become a
universal religion.

/. Montanism may be contrasted with Gnosticism thus :
Gnosticism was occupied chiefly with speculations as to
the origin of the universe ; Montanism with speculations
as to the approaching end of the world.

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:k)4 A MANUAL 6P CHu6CH HISTOftV IPEk^n,

g. Montanism may be contrasted with Catholicism o\
the time thus: Montanism insisted upon holiness — a
legalistic and arbitrary holiness, it is true — at the ex-
pense of catholicity ; Catholicism, vice versa .^

(2) Origin of Montanism. Montanism, as an organized
party, originated in Phrygia, about 135-160. Montanus,
with two women, Priscilla and Maximilla, claimed to have
been especially enlightened by the Paraclete ; and to
have been divinely commissioned to proclaim the setting
up of the kingdom of Christ on earth and to inveigh
against the laxity and worldliness of the churches of the
time. Their denunciation of the clergy, whom they
stigmatized as psychical in contrast with their own spirit-
uality, aroused the opposition of the clergy and the less
earnest laymen. The Montanists were cut off from
the communion of many Phrygian churches. Believing
themselves to be the only true apostolic Christians, they
appealed to their brethren at Rome and elsewhere for
recognition. The Roman Church was about to recog-
nize them, but owing to unfavorable representations o*
their doctrines and practices by Praxeas, noted for Patri-
passian views of the Godhead, the recognition failed and
the prophets were rejected. The Montanists, against
their desire and original intention, were thus forced into
the position of schismatics. The movement was one
that appealed forcibly to the more earnest Christians
throughout the empire, and Montanistic churches multi-
plied in Asia Minor, in Proconsular Africa, and in the
remote East.

The Phrygians were strongly predisposed to extravagance in
religion. Their worship of Cybeie was grossly immoral, and was
accomi>anied by ecstatic visions, wild frenzy, and fearful self*
mutilations. The enthusiastic, perhaps fanatical, character of early
Montanism may have been due in part to this national characteristic.

(3) Doctrines of the Montanists. In general, the Mon-
tanists did not differ widely in point of belief from the
orthodox churches of the time. Says Tertullian : * *' They
[the psychical] make controversy with the Paraclete;
on account of this the new prophecies are rejected, not

1 The Ust two observations are substantially Baur's.
• ''Dtltfumis:* Book I. C/. " Dt Virg, VelM ' " ~
4», x; FInallianus. in Cyprian. "i^./'LXXV.

• *'CUjefumisr Book I. C/. "Dtyirg. yelamdtsr Book H. ; Eplpbanlus, "H^rr./

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CHAP.n.] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 20$

that Montanus and Priscilla and Maximilla preach another
God, nor that they do away with Jesus Christ, nor that
they overthrow any rule of faith or hope." We can
best get at their peculiarities of view by observing the
charges made against them by their adversaries.

a. One of the most distinctive features of the Mon-
tanists is their doctrine of the Paraclete. They claimed to
be the recipients, while in a state of ecstasy, of special
divine revelations. They supposed that in their time
and in them was fulfilled the saying of Christ: '' I have
still many things to say to you, but you cannot bear
them now, but when he comes, the Spirit of truth, he
will guide you into the whole truth," etc. Accordingly,
they regarded their own dreaming as of more importance
than the written word. Says Tertullian:* "If Christ
abolished what Moses taught, because from the beginning
it was not so (Matt. 19 : 8), . . why should not the
Paraclete abolish what Paul indulged, because second
marriage also was not from the beginning ? "

h. The points in which they claimed to be especially
instructed by the Paraclete are chiefly those in which
the Scriptures are not sufficiently ascetical, showing that
the most fundamental thing was their legalistic asceticism,
and that the Paraclete was with them an expedient for
obviating the authority of Scripture in favor of greater
rigor.

c. To particularize: The Montanists claimed the au-
thority of the Paraclete for making second marriages
equivalent to adultery, and hence mortal sin, which the
church is incompetent to forgive ; for rejecting entirely the
use of wine and insisting on frequent and long-continued
fasts, especially the xerophagies (or abstinence from moist
food of any kind) ; for making flight in persecution or de-
nial of the faith under at^ circumstances mortal (by the
church unpardonable) sin; for expecting the speedy end of
the present dispensation. Indeed j the motive for the Mon-
tanistic asceticism was the vivid expectation of the end
of the world.

d. As indicated above, the Montanists drew a definite
line — ^first, so far as we know — ^between morial and venial

" Oe MoMgrnua^ Chap. m.

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206 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER n

sins: the former comprising homicide, idolatry, fraud,
negation (of the faith), blasphemy, adultery, and forni-
cation ; the latter embracing all those minor sins to which
every Christian is continually subject. The former are
irremissible, so far as the churches are concerned ; the
latter are forgiven through the advocacy of Christ.

(4) Influence of Montanism on the Church. Few of the
teachings and practices for which the Montanists are dis*
tinguished were new creations of the Montanists. Special
prophetical gifts, e.g.^ are spoken of by Justin Martyr
and Irenseus as appearing in their time, and millenari-
anism was by no means peculiar to Montanism. But the
Montanists brought forward their ideas and claims in an
enthusiastic and one-sided way, having been aroused to
fanaticism by the increasing corruption and worldliness
of the churches. As worldliness and corruption con-
tinued to increase, so reactionary movements continued
to appear until, when the great churches as such were
thoroughly secularized by the union of Church and State,
the reactionary spirit culminated, as we shall see here-
after, in monasticism.

2: The Naoatianists.

LITERATURE: Cyprian/* £)».," 41-52; Euscblus, " Ch. Hist.,"
Bk. VI., Chap. 43, 45 ; Bk. VIL, Chap. 8; Socrates, " Ch. Hist.,"
Bk. IV., Chap. 28; Padanus, " 5*. Trn Cauir, Nov,"; (the extant
writings of Novatian do not touch specifically upon the distinctive
features of Novatianism) : Neander, Vol. I. j)p. 237-248 ; Gieseler,
Vol. 1., p. 2$4 ; Moeller, Vol. I., p. 263, s#a. ; Tlllemont, ** Memoirgs^**
Tom. lll.,pp, 189, 209, 346, 353 ; Walch, ** Kit^srhistoru,*' Bd. U., Sn'l.
185-310; KitschU **Mtka$h, Kirche,'' S*ii. 331;, 538, 575; Haraack,
** Dogimngisch^" Bd,L^ Snt. 339, siq, ; encyclopedias as above, swft. w>c.

(I) Characteristics of Novatianism. a. After what has
been said of Montanism, it will not be necessary to dis-
cuss Novatianism at length. Novatianism was Montanism
reappearing under peculiar circumstances and in another
age. Many of the Montanistic ideas had been absorbed
by the general churches. The prophetic spirit could not
long sustain itself. After the time of Tertullian we hear
nothing of prophetic claims. Nor does this feature of
Montanism reappear in Novatianism.

b. Novatianism was a striving after ecclesiastical purity,
perverted by the Montanistic legalism. The churches

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CHAP. 1l] internal development of CHRISTIANITY 207

must be made pure and kept pure by the rigorous exclu-
sion of all who have at any time committed one of the
particular sins which were arbitrarily classed as "mor-
tal," especially negation of the faith.

(2) Origin of Novatianism. So far as the Novatianist
party was a new party, it originated as follows : During
the Decian persecution, many Christians in all parts of
the empire denied the faith. At the close of the perse-
cution, it was a most important question with the churches
how to deal with the multitudes who now clamored for
readmission. The laxer party, which was at this time
predominant at Rome, was in favor of readmitting them
without much delay or ceremony. An influential party,
led by Novatian, opposed this laxity, and when they
failed to carry their point in the church, withdrew, No-
vatian becoming bishop of the protesting party. The
Novatianists had the sympathy of a large element in the
North African churches, and they soon formed there a
strong organization. In North Africa and in Asia Minor
they probably absorbed most of the Montanistic party,
which was still important. This was certainly the case
in Phrygia, the original home of Montanism. Nova-
tianist congregations persisted till the flfth century or
later.

(3) Doctrines and Practices, a. In matters of doctrine
and church organization, the Novatianists were at one
with the general churches. Novatian himself wrote one
of the ablest treatises of the period on the doctrine of the
Trinity. It was the matter of discipline alone, the con-
ditions of church-membership and the competency of the
churches to forgive certain specific sins, that furnished
occasion for the schism.

b. Believing the general churches of the time to be
apostate, they naturally rejected their ordinances, and re-
baptiied those that came to them from churches with
which they did not affiliate.

c. The doctrine of baptismal regeneration had become
almost universal by this time, and the Novatianists held to
it so tenaciously as to regard it as a matter of the utmost
consequence, not only that every Christian should be
baptized, but also that he should be baptized by a prop-
erly qualified person.

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208 A MANUAL OP CHURCH HISTORY [PEitU

3. The Donatists.

Literature : Optatus MUevitanus, *' D$ SehtsmaU DottaHOarmm,*^
Lib. VIL, ed. Dupin (this edition contains also a collection of docu-
ments relating to the history of the Donatists) ; Au^stine, various
treatises against the Donatists ( Eng. tr. by Kin^, edited, with elabo-
rate introductory essay, by Hartranft, in Nicene and Post-Nic.
Fathers, first ser., Vol. IV. ) : Norisius, " Hist, Donatistanm "; Hefele,
"Councils," Vol. I. and \U passim; Hardouin, " Gw«?.,'^ VoL L,
passim ; Neander, Vol. II., pp. 214-2^2 ; Schaff , Vol. III., p. 560, stq. ;
Ribbeck, ^^ Donaius und Augustinus'^ : Bindemann, ^^DirhiH, Augus-
tim*s," 'Bd. II., Siit. 366, 5#a. ; Bd. III., S^rt. 178-353 ; Voltcr, " Ur^
sprung d, Dtmatismus" ; Walch, ^'Historii dsr Ktt^trsim*' 'Bd. IV. ;
'Roux, '* D$ Atuatstino, Mdxfirsario DoHatistanm " ; Tillemont. '^ M#-
fiw^#s," Tom.N\. ; art. in the " Prcsb. Rev.," 1884, by T. V/. Hop-
kins ; Loofs, " Dogmgngesch,^^ SiiU 205, seq, ; Thummd, " Zur Beur-
ihiilmg d, DoHoiismusr 1893 » Seeck, ** QuilUn u, Urktmdm Hber d,
Anfimg4 d. Donaiismus " (in ^* Zsitschr, /. Kirchtngssch.,'* 1889) ; Reu-
ter, ^^Augustin. Stttditn"; Deutsch, *' Dr^i AcUnstucks ptr Gesch, d.
Donaiismus^* ; art. " Donatism," in encyclopedias referred to above.
The art. by Bonwetsch in the third ed. of the Herzog-Hauck " R. £.,"
Bd. IV., Siit. 788-798, 1898, is of special value and brings the litera-
ture up to date.

(i) Characteristics, a. The Donatists follow in the
same general line with the Montanists and the Novatian-
ists. Like the earlier bodies they were concerned chiefly
with questions of ecclesiastical discipline; and, as in the
earlier movements, their scrupulosity was based upon a
narrow legalism.

b. The Donatists may properly be called the High
Churchmen of the fifth century. Like many High Church-
men of modern times -they were distinguish^ for their
earnestness and zeal.

c. Their protests against the corruptions of the churches
were entirely justified, but the spirit of their protests seems
to have been more hopelessly at variance with true spir-
itual Christianity than that of their comparatively lax and
indifferent opponents.

(2) Origin. The Donatists arose after the Diocletian
persecution. Those who delivered up the Scriptures
during persecution were stigmatized by the strict party
as *'traditors.'* The strict party could not endure the
presence of traditors in the churches, especially as offi-
cers. As traditors had committed a sin which they
felt that the churches had no right to pardon, they re-

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CHAP. IL] INTERNAL DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIANITY 209

garded ordinances performed by such persons as invalid,
and churches in which they were tolerated as un-
worthy of Christian fellowship. Mensurius, bishop of
Carthage, when called on to deliver up the Scriptures,
was reported to have put in their place some heretical
writings, and to have hidden the Scriptures themselves.
He and Cscilian, his deacon, used all their influence
against the fanaticism which led so many needlessly to
throw themselves into the hands of the persecutors.
They also sought to check superstition as it was coming
to be manifested in the worship of relics, e.tc. In 311.
Mensurius died, and Caecilian became candidate for the
episcopate. In Numidia, several influential pastors, es-
pecially Donatus, of Casse Nigrse, and Secundus, of
Tigisis, had taken strong ground against traditors. A
wealthy lady, Lucilla, much given to the veneration of
martyrs and their relics, was at the head of the opposi-
tion in Carthage. The Carthaginian presbyters were
almost all opposed to Csecilian. The Numidian bishops,
who were accustomed to take part in the consecration
of the bishop of Carthage, were sent for by the party
of Lucilla, and meetings were held in her house.
Csecilian knowing that he would be opposed by these
bishops, got himself hurriedly ordained by a neighboring
bishop, Felix, of Aptunga. The Numidian bishops de-
clared Cxcilian deposed, and elected Majorinus. There
were now two rival bishops of Carthage, each with a
strong following, and the utmost bitterness prevailed
between the two parties. The schism thus begun at
Carthage, spread all over North Africa. Much of the
earlier Montanism and Novatianism was probably ab-
sorbed by the new party. Indeed, the party can hardly
be called new. It was simply a fresh manifestation of
the strict tendency as opposed to increasing laxity in the
churches.

(3) Doctrines and Practices, a. They insisted on rigor-
ous ecclesiastical discipline, and pure church-membership.
b. They rejected unworthy ministers, c. They protested
against civil interference in matters of religion. This
feature, however, was developed only after they had
despaired of obtaining the support of the civil power.
The evils of State Interference must be experienced

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210 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II

before the system could be vigorously combated, d.
They practised episcopacy in the same sense and to the
same extent as it prevailed in the general churches of
the time ; though the dioceses were for the most part very
small, and many bishops were pastors of single churches.
e. They believed in baptismal regeneration and in the
necessity of baptism to salvation. In this they went
beyond the Catholics themselves, maintaining that the
human nature of Christ himself needed to be cleansed
by baptism. Their most prominent characteristic, that
of baptizing anew those that had already been baptized,
whether in infancy or not, by those whom they regarded
as unworthy, is evidence of the fact that they regarded
the salvation of the soul as depending on the administra-
tion of the ordinance by a blameless person. /. They
practised infant baptism. This they were probably more
scrupulous in doing than the general churches, in accord-
ance with their more vivid sense of its necessity, g.
They were intolerant and bigoted. This, however, was
in a large measure due to the harsh treatment that they
received at the hands of their opponents.*

iThe lAttr history of the Donatlsts will b« foand In the next p«rio4.

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CHAPTER III

THE CHRISTIAN LITERATURE OI: THE FIRST THREE
CENTURIES

LITERATURE: Original texts In MIgne's *' Patrohgia" and in
critical editions to be referred to under eacii autlior ; English trans-
lations in '• The Ante-Niccne Fathers," lo vols. New Yorl<. 1885-
q/S ; Hamack, *' Giseh, d. AlicktisiU Litteraiur his ^ Eus^biusy 1893
onward (Part 1. consists of a comprehensive survey of the entire
body of extant Christian literature so far as it had come to light at
the time of writing, with full critical information regarding each
document. Part IL, of which the first volume was issued in i8g7<
treats of the chronology of these literary remains. This monumental
work is beins prepared under the auspices of the Royal Prussian
Academy of Sciences) ; Gebhardt and Harnack, ** Ttxt4 und Unter-
suchungm " (This learned work, still in progress, consists of mono-
graphs b}^ various scholars on various literary monuments of this
age, especially on newly discovered documents and such as are of
uncertain date and authorship. Fifteen volumes have already ap-
peared); Robinson, ** Texts and Studies" (an English series of
monographs by different writers similar to Ihe German series just
referred to, stifl in course of publication) ; Cruttwell, '* A Literary
History of Early Christianity," 1893 ; Rriiger, ** History of Eariy
Christian Literature in the First Three Centuries," English transla-
tion, 1898 ; Donaldson, " A Critical History of Christ. Literaturr
and Doctr. from the Death of the Apostles to the Nicene Council,"
1866; Farrar, " Lives of the Fathers."

I. PRELIMINARY.

I. The Importance of this Literature.

The Christian literature of the first three centuries
stands next to that of the apostolic age not only in time
but also in importance. Some of the writings to be
here considered belong to the apostolic age and may be
earlier than some of the New Testament books, espe-
cially the Johannean Gospel and Apocalypse. The im-
portance of this literature is obvious from the following
considerations :

(i) The distinct inferiority of the very best of it to any
of the New Testament books is strongly confirmatory of
the belief that the selection and the preservation of the

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212 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL

latter no less than their original writing was presided over
by Divine Providence.

(2) This literature is our only source of information as
to the process by which apostolic Christianity was trans-
formed in doctrine, polity, life, worship, and institutions
into the Christianity of the fourth century, and by which
Christianity became so widespread, powerful, and secu-
larized as to gain recognition as the religion of the State.

(3) These writings contain all the available information
regarding the use of the New Testament Scriptures in
the churches of the first three centuries and reveal the
process by which, and the influences under which, the
books now included in our canon secured recognition as
the authoritative record of the revelation of the New
Covenant to the exclusion of all others.

(4) This literature is remarkably varied as regards
form, contents, and type of teaching, and is a true mir-
ror of the diversified forms that Christianity assumed in
its contact and conflict with the Jewish and the pagan
world.

2. divisions of Early Christian Literature.

We may divide early Christian literature as follows :
(i) The edificatory period. (2) The apologetic period.
(3) The polemical period. (4) The scientific period. We
shall find that the order of division is at the same time
logical and chronological.

(i) An Obscure and Quiet Growth. It was natural and
necessary that Christianity should have an obscure and
quiet growth before it should get bold enough to defend
itself publicly, or at least before it could hope for a pub-
lic hearing. Moreover, in the age immediately succeed-
ing the apostolic age Christianity had in its ranks few
men of philosophical culture who could have been ex-
pected to attempt the public defense of their religion.
The shock received by the Christians from the atrocities
of Nero, repeated in a somewhat milder form by Domi-
tian, would have deterred them in any case from attempt-
ing to influence the government in their favor.

(2) Warding off Attacks. Again, it was natural, after
Christianity had made considerable progress and had
won to its support a number of cultured minds, that it

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CHAP, in.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 21 3

should devote its attention to warding off the attacks of
its enemies and to setting forth to those in authority its
true character, and should abstain as far as practicable
from public attacks on heathen doctrines and practices.
Not all of the apologists, as we shall see, were able en-
tirely to refrain from ridiculing the absurdities and de-
nouncing the terrible evils that were involved in the
polytheistic worship of the time ; but in general their at-
titude was that of suppliants for mercy.

(3) A voice of Condemnation. Again, it was natural,
after Christianity had grown strong enough to regard
itself and to be regarded as a mighty rival of paganism
and as destined soon to supplant it, that it should lift up
its voice in condemnation of the corruptions of paganism,
especially as the Christians themselves were continually
tempted to wrong-doing by the presence of heathen prac-
tices. Heresy, moreover, was aggressive and must be
vanquished. Most of the polemical literature is directed
against false forms of teaching.

(4) e/f Scientific Study of Christianity. Again, it was
necessary that Christianity should have gained not sim-
ply a firm foothold, but should have had a period of com-
parative quiet and immunity from persecution, before
a scientific study of the sacred books and an applica-
tion to them of the philosophical modes of thought that
belonged to the highest culture of the age should take
place. This scientific study of Christianity was pro-
moted by attacks upon Christianity by heretics and pa-
gans and the general interest that cultivated men of all
classes were beginning to show in Christianity. Men
who were thoroughly familiar with Greek philosophy
and with Gnostic speculations naturally sought to ex-
hibit Christianity as the only true philosophy.

II. THE EDIFICATORY PERIOD, OR THE PERIOD OF THE APOS-
TOLIC FATHERS.

I. General Characteristics.

(i) Informal Utterances. The writings that fall under
this head are simple, informal utterances of pious faith.
No attempt is made at a systematic exhibition of Chris-
tian doctrine, any more than in the New Testament.

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214 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II

(2) No Knowledge of Pagan Philosophy. These writers
betray no knowledge of pagan philosophy, hence no
polemics against paganism occur. Little allusion is made
to heresies. Such already existed, to be sure, but the
writings that have come down to us are too much occu-
pied with the internal interests of religion to allow of
their entering formally upon their refutation ; and few of
the writers possessed the requisite learning for effec-
tively meeting the theosophical errors of the time.

(3) These Writings Shaw us Christianity at IVorh. Indi-
vidual responsibility is everywhere recognized. There
is evidence that the missionary spirit was still thoroughly
energetic. The type of piety represented in these writ-
ings is for the most part healthy and in accordance with
the New Testament.

(4) Revere Old Testament. While these writers quote
freely and lovingly from the New Testament books, it is
the Old Testament that they reverence most of all, and
to this only is final appeal made in support of doctrine.
In other words, they use the New Testament for sub-
stance of doctrine, but the Old Testament for proof.
The necessity that they felt of finding the whole of
Christianity in the Old Testament led them to apply the
allegorical method of interpretation in the most arbitrary
manner. In this they but followed the example of the
Alexandrian Jews and of contemporary pagan writers.

2. Individual Writings.

{i)Ths First EpisHs of CUmttU of Ronu to iJu Corinthian Church.

Literature : In addition to works referred to above, " Patrum
Apostolicorum Op^ra^^ ed. Gebhardt, Hamack, and Zahn (this is
by far the best edition of the " Apostolic Fathers." It contains pro-
legomena, Latin translations, with ample notes and critical appara-
tus); Wrede, *^ Untersuchungtn turn Erstm CUmtnsbriif^^ 1801;
Lerame. in •* tKmJahrhJ, DoAsehi ThsoU^^^ 1892, Siit. 375, s#^. ; Light-
foot, '• S. Clement of Ffome " (the best edition of the cp., with Eng.
trans, and all necessary apparatus); Zahn, in ^"^ Zeitschrift fur d.
Hist. Theol.;' 1869: Gebhardt, in ^' Ztitschrift, fur Ktreh.-Gtsch.,''
1876 ; Wicseler, in ^'jahrhikhtr fur Dmtuhs Thiol.J^ 1875 ; encyclo-
pedias before referred to, art. ** Clement of Rome.''

a. Authorship. The grounds for assigning the epistle
to Clement are not decisive. The letter is addressed by

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CHAP. UL] LITERATURE OF RRST THREE CENTURIES 21 5

** the church of God that sojourns at Rome to the church
of God that sojourns at Corinth." Dionysius of Corinth,
about 170, is the earliest known witness to its Clemen-
tine authorship.^ Irenxus relates that, during the epis-
copate of Clement, the church of Rome sent a most ap-
propriate letter to the Corinthians, exhorting them to
peace and renewing their faith and calling to their re-
membrance the tradition that they had recently received
from the apostles. He further relates that this Clement
was the third in order of the Roman bishops, having
been preceded by Linus, appointed by the apostles, and
by Anacletus, and that Clement himself had seen the
apostles and associated with them. The statement of
Irenxus seems probable enough. According to this
writer the epistle was still being used in religious serv-
ices by the Corinthian church in his time.

Eusebius, whose chief authority on this point was
probably Irenseus, but who also refers to Hegesippus,
who had visited the Corinthian church in the latter part
of the second century, may be wrong in ascribing the
epistle to Clement individually. In Eusebius' time such
a letter would have been sent by the bishop, as lord of
his church. Hence he may have inferred that Clement,
being bishop of the Roman church, himself wrote it.
As one of the most influential and intelligent members
of the church he may have prepared the letter, but if so,
he did it as the representative of the church ; hence the
superscription. But supposing the letter to have been
written by Clement, pastor of the Roman church in the
time of Domitian, there is no absolute proof that this was
the Clement mentioned by Paul in Phil. 4 : 3. The
name was a very common one.

Some modern writers (Lipslus, Voikmar, Erbes, Hasendever)
have sought to identify Clement, me Roman bishop or presbyter, to
whom the authorship of the epistie has been attributed, with Flavius
Clemens, the consul and relative of the emperor, who suffered mar-
tyrdom under Domitian. This identification has been strongly op-
posed by Zahn, Wieseler, Funk, Harnack, and Uhlhorn.'

There has been much difference of opinion as to whether the writer
of the epistie was a Jewish or a Gentile Christian. Lightfoot and
Lemme contend for the former view, Harnack and Wrede for the

^ Etttebitts. Blc IV.. chap. as.
> $f« Uhlhorn, In «* RuUBn^MopSuiitr ttiird td., &f. IV., MU 16$. Mf.

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2l6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL

latter, while Uhihorn thinks the considerations adduced on neither
side decisive.

b. T)ate of the Epistle. This is a disputed point, but
it may be assigned, with some probability, to a time be-
tween A. D. 93 and 97.

{a) Reasons for believing it not earlier than 93 : First, It
must have been written considerably after the death of
Peter and Paul, for their martyrdom is treated as a mat-
ter of history (chap. 5). So also their activity (chap. 42,
etc.). Secondly, No mention is made of the strife be-
tween Jewish and Gentile Christians that had formerly
prevailed at Rome and Corinth. Some time must have
elapsed since Paul wrote his Epistles. Thirdly, The
Corinthian church is spoken of (chap. 47) as ancient.

(b) Reasons for believing it not later than 07 : First, The
martyrdom of Peter and Paul is spoken of as belonging
to our generation. Secondly, Presbyters are represented
as still living who were appointed by the apostles.
Thirdly, No mention is made of the disturbances created
by Gnostics in the Roman church early in the second
century. Fourthly, The Roman church is represented as
having just come out of great tribulation (chap. i). As
there is no intimation that the Corinthians suffered at the
same time, this persecution could hardly be the wide-
spread one under Trajan, but was most probably a local
persecution under Domitian (93-97).

c. Abstract of the Epistle. A sedition had arisen in the
Corinthian church. A certain faction had deposed, with**
out just grounds, some presbyters of the church. The
writer begins, after the salutation, with excusing the
delay of the Roman church in responding to the request
for advice (the excuse being the severe persecution to
which the Romans had been subjected), and calls atten-
tion to the high repute in which the Corinthian church
had hitherto stood. The sedition is attributed to the
pride that follows prosperity. Part of the church had
become jealous of the other part. The evil effects of
jealousy are shown from numerous Old Testament ex-
amples. Jealousy lay at the root of the persecutions in
which Peter, Paul, etc., suffered martyrdom. That
there is room for repentance on the part of the offenders
19 shown from Old Testament examples. The Cprin-

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CHAP. IK] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 21 7

thians are exhorted to humility in view of the Messianic
passage (Isa. 53), and of the example of many Old Tes-
tament heroes. God is long-suffering and will forgive
the penitent. Yet he is a God of order. He keeps the
universe in order. If the Corinthians would act worthily
of such a God, they must do all things in order and
peace.

General directions follow as to the respect due to pres-
byters. As a motive for guarding against sedition the
Corinthians are reminded of the second coming of the
Lord and of the resurrection. The resurrection is proved
by the argument from analogy (day — ^night ; seed — ^plant ;
the Phoenix, etc.).

God's blessing is to be found in faith, but not without
works.

The Roman army, in which each member has a par-
ticular place allotted, and contributes to the completeness
and strength of the whole, should be an example to the
church. The Christian ministry is compared to the
Levitical priesthood as regards order, etc. Christ was
sent from God, the apostles from Christ. These ap-
pointed bishops and deacons, and indicated others to suc-
ceed, in case the first should die. Now the Corinthians
have removed some holy men from service. The influ-
ence of one or two men of no consequence has led to the
deposition of men appointed by the apostles. This has
given an occasion to the enemies of the gospel to blas-
pheme the Lord's name. The seditious should confess
their sins. Such confession is shown to be noble from
Old Testament examples. They should be willing, in
order to avoid strife, to retire to whatever place the
church may wish. The authority of the presbyters
should be respected, especially of such as were appointed
by the apostles.

The Roman letter was manifestly based upon the ixparU state-
ments of the aggrieved presbyters. It is very possible ^at the
younger men, who had gained influence enough in the church to
secure the removal of the old presbyters from office, would have
been able in some measure to justify their successful efforts for a
change in the administration. It is conceivable that the old presby-
ters had come to presume too much on their apostolic appointment,
and were disposed to be arbitrary, or had become inefficient because
Of a|;e.

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2l8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. It

d. Theology of the Epistle. Whatever of a theological
nature occurs in the epistle is entirely practical and not
speculative.

God is spoken of as the ** great Creator and Lord of
all," **the all holy Framer and Father of the ages" ;
" his energy pervades all the operations of nature " ; his
forbearance, mercy, and love are emphasized.

Christ is most commonly designated as ** our Lord
J^sus Christ." He is described as the reflection or ra-
diance of God's greatness. He was "sent by God."
"His blood was given for us." "On account of the
love which he had unto us, Jesus Christ gave his own
blood for us, and his flesh for our flesh, and his soul for
our soul."

The nearest approach to a doctrine of the Trinity in
Clement is in chap. 46 : " Have we not one God, and
one Christ, and one spirit of grace which was poured out
upon us, and one calling in Christ ? "

Salvation is represented as being in and through Christ,
but is also connected with the fear of God and with love
(chap. 48 ; 21 : I ; 22).

The idea of a church in this epistle is that of a well-
ordered assemblage composed of members possessed of
equal rights and privileges, all of whom are essential to
each other as parts of the body to the body, but some of
whom being more highly gifted, are to direct the less intel-
ligent and less gifted (chap. 37). Only two classes of offi-
cers are recognized, bishops or presbyters and deacons.
No class is recognized as having an inherent right to con-
trol the church ; but the opinion is expressed that those
who were appointed by an apostle, with the consent of the
church, and who had performed their duties blamelessly,
ought not to be deposed.

Remark.— The so-called Second Epistle of Clement, now almost
universally regarded as a fragment of a homily, was probably writ-
ten not earlier than A. D. 130, and hence cannot well be the work of
Clement, the third pastor of the Roman church. The Clementine
"Recognitions" and "Homilies" ascribed to Clement of Rome,
have been described sufficiently in the section on the Ebionites.
These were probably written about a century after Clement's time.
The " Epistles to Virgins " is a still later forgery, representing the
full-fledged ascetical spirit of the third century. A number of other
writin^^s were set forth under the name of this author, as the " L<t«

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 219

ter to James," the " Dialogue of Peter and Aplon," an address *' To
tbe Holy Spirit," etc.*

{2) Th4 EpistU of Barnabas.

LITERATURE: See in addition to authorities cited above, full
bibliography in Gebhardt, Hamacic, and Zahn, and in Lightfoot

a. t/tuthorship. The Epistle has often been ascribed
to Barnabas, the fellow-laborer of Paul.

(a) The grounds in favor of this view are: The
authority of Clement of Alexandria^ who regarded it as
an apostolical writing and wrote a commentary on it.'
Origen also evidently regarded it as the work of the
New Testament Barnabas. Eusebius mentions the epis-
tle as bearing this name, but classes it, along with
the *• Acts of Paul," the " Pastor of Hermas," and the
" Apocalypse of Peter," as a book that had been regarded
by some as Scripture, but which was in his time rejected.
This, however, is not necessarily against its having been
.written by the New Testament Barnabas. Jerome
speaks of Barnabas, ordained by Paul, apostle of the
Gentiles, as having composed an epistle pertaining to the
edification of the church, which is read among apocry-
phal writings. It is found in the "Codex Sinaiticus'*
(one of the oldest biblical MSS.), under the caption
"Epistle of Barnabas."

(p) The grounds against the view are mainly internal,
as those in favor of it are external. They are : The
unaccountable blunders which the author makes with
regard to the Jewish ceremonial law. He describes
ceremonies for which no authority can be found either in
the Old Testament or the Talmud (chap. 7 and 8). Now
Barnabas, the companion of Paul, was a Levite, and can-
not Well be supposed to have been capable of such blun<
ders. He lays stress on the Greek letters that repre-
sent the number of servants that Abraham circumcised a5
making up the name Jesus. The Levite Barnabas could
hardly have forgotten that the Old Testament was writ-
ten in Hebrew. The absurd statements with regard

1 For full information on the pseudo-Clementine literature, see Hamack, '* Cach, 4,
AIL Chr. Ut." Bd, I., Snt. 47. au. m8. 5x8. 761. m. 778 ; 'Bd. \\.,pasnm ; and Uhlbom's
article in the Herzo^-Hauclc " Rgal-Eucyh," third ed.. 'Bd, IV.. StU. 170. uq,

• CI. Alex.. " Uronud.r Blc II.. chap. 6. 7. w ; Bic. V.. chap. 10. etc.

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220 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL

to the habits of animals are a probable, though not de-
cisive, ground against the theory that the epistle is the
work of the New Testament Barnabas. The way in
which the author looked upon Judaism, not as a prepara-
tion for Christianity, but rather as a wicked externaliz-
ing of what God meant to be spiritual, is hardly apos-
tolic. The extravagant degree to which the allegory
is employed seems unsuitable to an apostle.

Thus the external testimony, which is not contempo-
raneous, is in conflict with internal evidence of the
strongest kind.

b. Date. The epistle must have been written after
the destruction of the temple (70), which is pre-sup-
posed in it (16 : 3, 4 ; 4 : 14). It could not well have
been written later than 137, when the Jewish insurrec-
tion led by Barcochab had resulted disastrously, and the
restoration of the temple was out of the question. Ha-
drian had expressed at the beginning of his reisn a
purpose to rebuild the temple. Between these two dates
a dozen different determinations have been made. It
was probably written about 1 19, near the beginning of
Hadrian's reign, and some time before the Jewish insur-
rection had broken out. Bunsen, on internal evidence,
fixes the date during the Domitian persecution — hence
95 or earlier. Lightfoot assigns a still earlier date, the
earliest possible, 70-79. Harnack thinks 130-131 the
most probable date.

c. Abstract. The author salutes his readers as sons
and daughters, assures them that he loves them more
than his own life, and that on this account he hastens to
write to them, in order that along with their faith they
may have knowledge. Since the days are evil and Satan
has authority, they ought to attend carefully to the de-
crees of God, their faith being aided by fear and patience.

God did not desire ceremonial service even under the
Old Testament dispensation, much less now. The read-
ers are exhorted not to be like those that heap up sins,
saying the Testament is the Jews' and ours. It is ours
only, for the Jews lost their part in it when Moses broke
the tablets. One object of Christ's coming was that the
sins of the Jews might be consummated (chap. 6). The
real meaning of the Old Testament prophecies can be

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CHAP, ni.] LITERATURE OF RRST THREE CENTURIES 221

arrived at only by the gnosis (knowledge, spiritual in-
sight), which gnosis the author proceeds to give, finding
types of Christianity wherever he seeks them in the Old
Testament.

He proves allegorically that Christians and not Jews
are the true heirs of the covenant (chap. 15). Neither do
the Jews celebrate the right Sabbath. The Lord rejected
the new moons and the Sabbaths of the Jews. A day
with the Lord is as a thousand years. The seventh
thousand of years is therefore the true Sabbath, and as
this commences with the eighth day, the day of the
Lord's resurrection, we Christians celebrate it with
gladness.

The Jews also made a mistake with regard to the tem-
ple, supposing that a house made with hands, and not
rather the hearts of believers, was the temple of God.
The epistle concludes with a description of the way of
light and the way of darkness, and an exhortation to the
readers to walk in the one and avoid the other.

There has been much discussion since the discovery of the '* Di-
da^'' (** Teaching of the Twelve Apostles"), as to the relation-
ship of the passage in Barnabas on the two ways to the similar
passage in the " Didach^.** The view that both writers drew the
material from a common source, a document that must have been in
general use at a very early, date, seems best supported.

d. Theology of the Epistle. There is nothing particu-
larly striking about the theology of the Epistle except
its manner of viewing Judaism. The writer goes far on
the road that led many in his age to Gnosticism.

The word gnosis (jr^<rii) he employs again and again
in much the same sense as that given it among the
Gnostics. His hostility to the Jews, while it does not,
like that of the Gnostics, lead to a denial of the good-
ness and supremacy of Jehovah, escapes such denial
only by the supposition that the Jews entirely misap-
prehended the revelation made to them, and were never
properly the people of God.

Like the Gnostics, the author mduiges without scruple
in allegory.

We cannot avoid the supposition that the epistle was
written by a man who had come under the influence of

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222 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IL

the Alexandrian philosophy, and probably of the earlier
forms of Gnosticism as well.

0) Th$ Epistks of Ignatius.

LITERATURE : Text and ancient testimonials in Gebhardt, Har*
nack, and Zahn ; Zahn, '* Ignatius von Aniiochin^^^ 1873 ; Lightfoot«
*' Ignatius,'' 188$ ; R6ville, In ^' Rsv, d, VHistoin d, Migions,'' three arti-
cles, 1890. Lightfoot's great work in 2 vols. (3 parts) contains ail
the pertinent materials extant in Greek, Syriac, etc., translations of
the epistles and of other important documents, and elaborate critical
discussion of all points involved. He is commonly supposed to have
settled the Ignatian question in favor of the shorter Greek form.
For an admirable summing up of the results of the investigations of
Zahn, Lightfoot, and Rcville, see article by Starbuck in '^Andover
Review,'' September, i8g2. See also Bunsen, " ^Dis drti achtm und
dii viiT unackten Bri$U dis Ignatius von Antiochsn " ; Cureton, " The
Ancient Syriac Versions of the Epistle St Ignatius," edited with an
English translation, and Harnack's review of Lightfoot, *' Expos-
itor," January, 1886. For Harnack's latent view, see his *' G$sch,
d, Altchf, Lit?'

A peculiar interest attaches to the so-called Ignatian
Epistles, partly on account of their inherent importance,
and partly on account of the great uncertainty as to the
true text.

a. Forms of the Epistles. We have three distinct forms
of the Ignatian Epistles, differing greatly as to number,
length, and substance, (a) The longer Greek form,
which contains twelve epistles. This rorm is now uni-
versally regarded as a gross fabrication, and is supposed
to have been composed in the fourtli, fiftn, or sixth cen-
tury. It is full of anachronisms, and was evidently de-
signed as a support for the hierarchical* church at the
time of its composition, (ft) The shorter Greek form,
which embraces the seven epistles mentioned by Euse-
bius, addressed to the Ephesians, Magnesians, Trallians,
Romans, Philadelphians, Smyrnxans, and Polycarp. (c)
The Syriac version, discovered among the MSS. from the
Nitrian desert, in the British Museum, and published by
Cureton in 1845. This recension contains only three
epistles, viz : those to the Ephesians, the Romans, and
Polycarp, and these in a very short form.

The shorter Greek form had long been strongly sus-
pected, owing in part to the fact that the longer form
was acknowledged to be spurious, in part to the fact

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 22$

that episcopacy seemed to have an emphasis given to
it out of keeping with what was otherwise known of the
church polity of the early part of the second century,
and in part to the extravagances and lack of verisimili-
tude in the writings themselves. Cureton's discovery
was at once regarded by himself and many other scholars
as involving a simple solution of the whole problem.
Cureton maintained that the three Syriac epistles, in
which most of the objectionable features of the shorter
Greek epistles are wanting, represent the original Epis-
tles of Ignatius, and that on this basis had grown up the
whole body of Ignatian documents. Bunsen lent the
weight of his great name to this theory, and for a time
it seemed likely to prevail. But the effect of the latest
criticism by Zahn, Lightfoot, R6ville, and others, has
been to demolish the claims of the Syriac form to priority,
and to establish the comparative originality of the shorter
Greek form.

b. tAuthenticity. (a) Internal Evidences. As already
intimated, Zahn and Lightfoot have, in the opinion of a
large majority of competent judges, established the
originality of the shorter Greek form of the epistles, as
compared with any other form. If there are any genuine
Ignatian epistles, these alone can claim to be such. That
just seven epistles are mentioned by Eusebius, with
identical addresses, is favorable to the claim. The con-
siderations adduced have convinced many critics that
these seven epistles were written by Ignatius, under the
circumstances supposed. Some accept these writings as
in the main genuine, but suppose them to have been in-
terpolated to a very considerable extent. The fact that
interpolation and forgery figure so prominently at a later
time in connection with the Ignatian literature would
suggest the possibility that the seven epistles may repre-
sent an earlier, more moderate, corruption in the inter-
ests of episcopacy and asceticism. Some (so V5lter)
reject the epistle to the Romans, while accepting the
substantial genuineness of the other six epistles.

Harnack, Zahn, and Lightfoot have so completely
mastered the pertinent literature, have so minutely con-
sidered every objection that has been raised or is likely
to be raised, and have answered the objections with such

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224 ^ MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PERU

plausibility, that skepticism as to the authenticity of the
epistles would almost seem to be out of place. They
have sought to show that greater difficulties by far are
involved in the rejection than in the acceptance of the
genuineness of the writings. A later writer, they claim,
would inevitably have fallen into anachronisms, the ex-
istence of which in these documents is denied. They hold
that there is nothing in the circumstances (the condem-
nation and transportation to Rome of a leading Christian,
the freedom to meet deputations from the churches and
to carry on an extensive correspondence during the
journey, the implied supposition that the Christians of
Kome might be able to secure a reversal of the death
sentence) or in the extravagant desire for martyrdom
that finds utterance in the epistle to the Romans, incon-
sistent with the supposition that they were written by
Ignatius of Antioch in the time of Trajan.

We must admit the possibility of the supposed circum-
stances and of the supposed psychological states and
consequent acts of Ignatius ; but we may well be ex-
cused if we find ourselves unable to agree with these
great scholars as to the probabilities of the case. The
objection based upon the writer's strong episcopal ten-
dencies has little weight (see below) ; but questions like
the following thrust themselves upon us, and are not set
aside by the plausible answers that have been given : Is
it psychologically conceivable, or if so, is it within the
bounds of probability, that a (Christian man who had as-
sociated with apostles, and who by reason of his charac-
ter and abilities had attained to a position of commanding
influence throughout Syria and Asia Minor, could think,
write, and act as Ignatius is represented as doing in these
documents ? Is it likely that a man condemned to a
cruel death on the sole ground of his Christian profes-
sion and guarded night and day by ten Roman soldiers,
should have been accorded the privilege of meeting with
deputations from the churches on the route, and of writ-
ing such a body of letters as those before us ? Is it
reasonable to suppose that a man condemned by the
emperor for being a Christian should imagine the Roman
Christians possessed of such influence and such bold-
Qess as might lead them to secure his release ? Trajan

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 22$

can scarcely be supposed to have been so capricious a
ruler as to condemn the bishop of Antioch to death by
wild beasts in the Roman arena on the ground of his
faith and to pardon him at the request of his Roman
fellow-Christians. Lightfoot attributes failure to be con-
vinced of the conclusiveness of his answers to these and
like questions to deficiency of ** historic imagination."
So much for the internal evidences of the genuineness
of the seven epistles.

(b) External Evidences. The external evidences must
next be briefly considered. First and most important is
the testimony of Polycarp of Smyrna, to whom one of
the Ignatian epistles is addressed. Admission of the
genuineness of the epistle of Polycarp to the Philip-
pians is thought to carry with it admission of the genu-
ineness of the Ignatian epistles. Polycarp informs the
Philippians that he is sending them "the letters of Ig-
natius which were sent by him to us together with any
others which we had in our possession." If this pas*
sage is genuine, there must have been in circulation
in Asia Minor, shortly after the supposed martyrdom
of Ignatius, a considerable body of Ignatian epistles.
Irenseus (175-190) quotes, as the utterance of a martyr,
the Ignatian statement : 'M am the wheat of God,
and I am ground by the teeth of wild beasts, that I
may be found pure bread." Other supposed slight in-
dications of Ignatian influence have been pointed out.
The sentence quoted might well have been handed
down by tradition, or in some martyrology, as having
been uttered by Ignatius or some other martyr. Light-
foot lays much stress on the points of similarity be-
tween the account of the condemnation, transportation,
and martyrdom of Ignatius and Lucian's account of the
death of reregrinus Proteus, and maintains Lucian's in-
debtedness to the Ignatian epistles. This we must regard
as extremely doubtful ; for even if the interdependence
of the two narratives could be proved, Lucian's may well
have been the original. Origen (died 257) mentions
Ignatius as suffering martyrdom at Rome, and quotes a
sentence. Eusebius (fourth century) is the earliest
writer to give any detailed account of the Ignatian litera-
ture. He mentions the epistles by name, and so char-

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226 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IL

acterizes them as to identify them to some extent with
those under consideration. But Eusebius' notice does
not exclude the possibility that the documents he knew
were forged or interpolated, or that the documents we
possess may have been interpolated since his time.

We conclude : First, that there probably was an An-
tiochian bishop in the time of Trajan named Ignatius ;
secondly, that he probably suffered martyrdom at Rome ;
thirdly, that he probably wrote some letters on his jour-
ney ; fourthly, that what he wrote furnished the basis of
the extant Ignatian documents ; fifthly, to what extent
interpolations have occurred it is impossible to deter-
mine.

c. General Tone of the Epistles. The tone of the epis-
tles is excited and extravagant. This is especially the
case with the epistle to the Romans. The style is
rhetorical and somewhat artificial. There seems to be a
straining after effect. They are taken up largely with
exhortations to the churches addressed to steadfastness,
unity, subjection to one another, to the presbyters, over-
seers, and deacons. The epistle to the Romans con-
sists of a flattering salutation to the church (not to the
bishop), of an account of his journey under guard of Roman
soldiers, of rejoicing in his prospective martyrdom, and
of an urgent request that the Roman Christians may do
nothing that could rob him of the opportunity to suffer
for Christ, intimating that this would be doing him the
greatest possible injury. He is the " wheat of God,"
and wishes to be ground by the teeth of wild beasts, in
order that he may "become the pure bread of Christ."
Not as Peter and Paul does he instruct them. They
were apostles, he is a condemned man. They were free,
he is even until now a slave ; but if he suffers he will
become a freeman of Jesus Christ.

d. Date. The probable date of the martyrdom of Ig-
natius, and hence of the original Ignatian epistles, if
there were such, is 107 or 11;. Trajan was in Syria at
each of these dates, and the persecution in which Igna-
tius suffered may have occurred on either occasion.

e. The ^(elation of the Epistles to Episcopacy. These
epistles have formed the chief bulwark of the Romish
church for its doctrine of episcopacy. In this interest

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 227

the epistles have been interpolated beyond almost any
other document of antiquity. But the very fact that
they were laid hold of for this purpose is strong evidence
that the original documents had at least something of
the same tendency. Admitting that the seven Greek
epistles mentioned by Eusebius are genuine (though it
is highly propable that they are interpolated to a con-
siderable extent), we may say : (a) That the very fact
that in each letter Ignatius should have felt called upon
to lay so much stress on the obedience due to bishops or
overseers, is conclusive evidence that such subordination
did not exist in the churches. We have, therefore, the
writer's ideal rather than a record of historical fact, (ft)
There were undoubtedly at this time elements of discord
in the churches addressed, resulting largely from the in-
fluence of heretical bodies. The churches were in dan-
ger of being rent asunder. Now, Ignatius looked upon
schism as the greatest evil. He saw in obedience to the
bishops a means of preserving unity. Hence the fre-
quent exhortations to obey the bishops, and to do nothing
without their approval, (c) There is no intimation that
at this time the word ** bishop " meant anything more
than overseer or pastor of a single congregation, and the
.hairman of the Board of Elders. Presbyters are nowhere
in the epistles exhorted to obey the bishops, (d) Ignatius
wrote to churches whose bishops he knew to be holy
men. He probably knew that these men were far su-
perior in point of intelligence and Christian knowledge
to the bulk of the church-members, such superiority in re-
ligious life and wisdom having been the ground on which
bishops were chosen. Why should not Ignatius have
exhorted the brethren to look upon such men as in the
place of Christ ? to regard them as representing the mind
of Christ ? (e) Side by side with these exhortations to
obedience to bishops we must put such passages as
these : ** Be obedient to the presbyters " (Eph. 20) ;
*' Be subject to the presbytery as to the law of Jesus
Christ " (Magnesians 2) ; "I pray that he (the deacon
Burrus) may abide in the honor of you and of the
bishop " (Eph. 2) ; " Reverence one another, and let no
one look upon his neighbor according to the flesh," etc.
(Eph. 6) ; " Be ye subject to the bishop and one to aij.-

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228 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.n

Other" (Eph. 13) ; " Let all reverence the deacons as a
commandment of Jesus Christ."

{4) Th$ Shiphird of Htnms,

LITERATURE: Text, full bibliography, etc., in Gebhardt, Ha^
nack, and Zahn : text, translation, and notes, in Lightfoot, ** Apos-
tolic Fathers " ; Zahn, •• Dir Hirt dss H$rmas '^ ; LIpsius. art. " Hcr-
mas,'' in Schenkd's ^* 'Btbil-Uxikon** ; Bunsen, *^ Hippolytus and
his A^e," Vol. I., p. 182, siq, ; Mossman, '* History of the Early
Christian Church,'' p. 201, ssq.; Lightfoot, ''Commentary on
Galatians.'' p. 324, ssq*; Sanday, *'The Gospels in the Second
Century,** p. 2731 stq.

This is probably the most remarkable production of
the early church. Its position in the early church was
somewhat analogous to that of ** Pilgrim's Progress " in
modern times. It was soon translated into Latin and
>Ethiopic. It was read in many churches, and was re-
garded as second only to the canonical Scriptures. In
fact we find it in the Codex Sinaiticus in connection with
the New Testament.

a. Form of the IVriting. It is that of a religious alle-
gory. The work consists of three parts : Visions, Com-
mands, and Similitudes.

b. ^ate and tAuthority. It is now generally agreed, on
the authority of the Muratorian Fragment, that it was
written by Hermas, a brother of Pius, a pastor of the
Roman Church, about 130-140. Its latest possible date
is fixed by the absence or any indication of the agitation
among Roman Christians, caused by the activity of Mar-
cion. The false teaching referred to was probably that
of the Gnostic Cerdo, possibly the earlier stages of the
Valentinian propaganda. The author was, at an early
date, confounded with the Hermas mentioned (Rom. 16 :
14) by Paul.

Irenaeus, quoting from the book, begins : *' Well then
declared the Scripture, which says," etc.

The Muratorian Fragment (c. 200) denies its right
to a place in the Canon, but implies that this dignity has
been claimed for it by some.

Tertullian and the Montanists rejected it as a Christian
manual for reasons to be given below.

Clement of Alexandria appeals to it again and again as
an inspired book.

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CHAP. IIL] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 229

Origen thought that the author of the Shepherd of
Hermas was the Hermas of Rom. 16 : 14, and it seemed
to him divinely inspired.

Eusebius mentions it as spoken against by some, but
by others judged most necessary for those who are in
need of introductory grounding in the elements of the
Christian faith.

Athanasius speaks of it as a most useful book, and
quotes from it extensively.

Harnack defends the unity of the book against Ewald,
Zahn, Caspari, and Hilgenfeld, but supposes that it grew
slowly into its present form in the hands of the author,
the germ having been the second Vision.

c. Contents. The supposed narrator represents him-
self as a slave sold by his master to a Roman lady named
Rhoda. Having allowed himself to entertain an impure
desire for a beautiful woman whom he chanced to see
bathing in the river, and being penitent for his sin, a
vision was vouchsafed to him in which the woman whom
he had desired appeared to him, rebuked him severely
for his fault, and gave him much wholesome advice re-
garding the Christian life. Later an older woman ap-
pears to him and freely answers all the questions regard-
ing the Christian life that he feels inclined to ask. The
five Visions are followed by twelye Commands, and
these by ten Similitudes.

A detailed summary of the contents would require more space than
can be spared. That the Christian life of the time, and especially in
Rome, abounded in corruption is evident from the great variety of
transjgressors that are specifically rebuked. Among these may be
mentioned informers and traitors ; blasphemers, or those that yield
to the demands of persecutors to curse Christ ; renegades, or Uiose
that on account of cowardice, or to save their property, fled from per-
secution ; hypocritical pretenders ; libidinous people ; teachers of in-
iquity, who nave deserted the true way and disseminate false doc-
tnnes ; friends of the heathen ; those wno are hampered by the world
with its riches and pursuits ; calumniators, contentious ones, schis-
matics; those who bear grudges; those who, though they have
known the truth, withdraw from association with the saints ; ambi-
tious men eager for honor ; insincere, lukewarm, and vacillating peo-
ple ; those who have submitted themselves to Christian teaching and
yet refuse to be baptized ; false prophets who, after the manner of the
heathen, prophesy for gain, and followers of such ; presidents Qiead-
elders) who are unjust, contentious, vain, malicious, or negligent*
and deacons who appropriate the goods entrusted to them. On tht

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230 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. 11

other hand, those who practised all manner of Christian virtues, and
exemplified in their lives all Christian graces, are frequently referred
to.^

d. Theology of the Shepherd. As regards the Godhead
there is little that is peculiar in this writing, the views
being in general accordant with the teachings of the New
Testament.* The peculiarities of teaching appear :

ifl) In the representation of the relation between bap-
tism and regeneration. It is said : " Whoever with his
whole heart changes his mind (or repents), and purifits
himself from all iniquity, and adds no more to his sin,
will receive from the Lord a cure for all his former sins."
Again : " The elect of God will be saved through faith.''
Yet in Commandment 4 : 3, baptism is represented as
having a very important relation to salvation : " We
went down into the water and received remission from
our former sins." Again, in Similitude 9 : 16 : " Into the
water, therefore, they descend dead and arise living."
The writer's view, then, is evidently that baptism is the
culminating act in the process of regeneration. Repent-
ance and faith necessarily precede, but it is only in con-
nection with the baptismal act that the remission of sins
really occurs.

ip) In the view expressed as to the pardonableness of
post-baptismal sins. In Commandment 4 Hermas repre-
sents the Shepherd as commanding that, if a man have a
believing, adulterous wife, and she repent, he shall re-
ceive her back. If he ** receive her not back, he sinneth
a great sin ; . . for there is one repentance to the serv'
ants of God." Again, Hermas says to the Shepherd:
'* I have heard from certain teachers that other repent-
ance there is none, save when we went down into the
water and received remission of our former sins." And
the Shepherd answers : ** Thou hast heard well, for so it
is." " But I say unto thee, that if after that great
and blessed calling, one tempted by the devil sin, he has
one repentance." It appears, therefore, that at the time

1 See "Gebhardt. Harnack. and Zahn," Fasc. III., p. LXXIX.

* Cotivbeare ( " The Key of Truth." p. LXXXIX.) finds in the Shepherd Indica-
tions or AdoptionistChristology. This view seems to be supported by Similitude
5 : s« But Hennas writes not polemically against a pneumatic Christology. but wftt
primitive simplicity and without being aware that his statements Involved a degra-
dation of the Redeemer.

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 23I

of the writing of this book, there were already to be dis-
tinguished a strict and a lax party, the one denying the
possibility of the forgiveness of post-baptismal sins, and
the other erring in the opposite direction. Hernias at-
tempts to mediate between the two, guarding against
license on the one hand, and against excessive rigor on
the other. It was this slight concession to laxity that
led Tertullian, after he became a Montanist, to stigmatize
this writing as licentious.

(c) There is a sentence in the Shepherd that has been
understood to contains the germs of the doctrine of pur-
gatory. In Vision 3 : 7, a completed tower, representing
the one holy church, made of stones beautifully adjusted
to each other, and which have passed through the water,
having been shown to Hermas, he sees also other stones
that have been cast aside and not fitted into the tower.
He asks whether there is no repentance for these so that
they may be fitted into the tower. The answer is :
" That there is room for repentance, but not a chance
for a place in this tower. But that another and much in-
ferior place they shall fit into, and this when they have
been tortured and have fulfilled the days of their sins,"
etc. It is quite possible, however, that the writer had
in view the penal sufferings of the present life.

(d) The church is represented as presided over by pres-
byters, and no distinction is apparent between presbyters
and bishops. The unity of the church is emphasized
continually, and illustrated by such images as the tower
made up of many stones deftly fitted to each other.

(e) The Shepherd was designed wholly for edification.
There is no writing of this period that throws a tithe as
much light on the Christian life and thought of the time
as does this. Scarcely any class of evil-doers seems to
have been absent from the writer's mind, and all receive
their share of reproof and exhortation. The condition of
Christian life here represented is far from pure.

(5) Ths EpistU ofPolycarp to ike Pkilippians,

LITERATURE: Texts, etc., as above; Donaldson, ** Historv of
Christian Literature and Doctrine," Vol. I., p. i54, sea, ; Bunsen,
" Hippolvtus and His Age," Vol. I., p. 225, s$q, ; Lighttoot, '* Igna-
tius'': Kenan, "'^Journal d$s Savants,^* 1874; ''Supernatural (^^
li^on/' VoL 1., p. 274, s#^., second edition*

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232 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER 11

a. ^Authenticity. The authenticity of this document
has been called in question, but without sufficient ground.
Lightfoot has defended it most ably as one of the chief
witnesses of the Ignatian epistles. A number of schol-
ars who regard the passage about the Ignatian epistles as
an interpolation, admit the substantial genuineness of the
epistle. Polycarp is represented by Irenseus, who was
with him much in his early and Polycarp's later life, as
a disciple of the Apostle John, and of other apostles.
Irenseus says that he *' distinctly remembers how Poly-
carp used to describe his intercourse with John and
with the rest who had seen the Lord, and how he would
relate their words. And whatsoever things he had
heard from them about the Lord, and about his miracles,
and about his teachings, Polycarp, as having received
them from eye-witnesses of the life of the Word, would
relate altogether in accordance with the Scriptures."

Polycarp is therefore one of the most important of the
Christians of the second century. He learned from the
apostles, lovingly treasured up in his memory, and fre-
quently communicated to other, the things that he had
learned. Irenseus appropriated these teachings in the
spirit in which they had been repeated, and himself re-
tained a vivid remembrance of them until his death, near
the close of the second century. The fact that he was
a man of no originality, as we see from the writing un-
der consideration, makes it more probable that he did not
modify the things he heard from John, etc., by his own
individuality. He was for many years pastor of the
church of Smyrna, and suffered martyrdom about i$$ or
I $6.

It is probable that the epistle to the Philippians has
suffered some corruption, but we are justified in regard-
ing it as in the main genuine.^

0. Date of the Epistle. The manner in which the mar-
tyrdom and epistles of Ignatius are mentioned, if they
are not interpolations, would lead us to fix the date of the
epistle as shortly subsequent to the martyrdom of Ig
natius, i. e., about io8 or ii6.

> Thert U • beautiful account of the martsnrdom of Polycarp, which purports to be
a letter written by the church of Smvma to the church in Phlloneliun In Phrygla
It was certainty written not long after the event, as It is mentioned by lren««s.

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CHAP. III.] LITBRATURB OF FIRST THREB CENTURIBS 233

c. Character of the Epistle. The epistle shows scarcely
any originality, but consists almost entirely of direct or
indirect quotations from the Scriptures. From the early
date to which it must be assigned, if its genuineness is
acknowledged, it is especially important for the testimony
that it furnishes* to the still earlier date and use in the
churches of most of the New Testament books. Espe-
cially does it show clearly by its numerous citations from
the writings of Paul the futility of the efforts of the
Tubingen school to establish the fact of an antagonism
in the early church between the Pauline and Johannean
theology.

d. fheology of the Epistle. This is eminently scrip-
tural, almost every doctrinal expression being in the
words of the New Testament. Docetism is denounced,
but in the words of John (i John 4 : 3). The church is
represented as administered by presbyters and deacons,
and the duties of these are pointed out in New Testament
language. It is remarkable that though Polycarp wrote
after Ignatius, nothing of a hierarchical tendency occurs
in his writing.

(6) Ttachmg of ih$ Tuih$ tApostUs

Literature : Editions of Bryennios, Hamack, HUgenfeld, J.
Rendel Harris, and Schaff. The last named (third edition. 1889) Is
the most complete. It contains facsimiU of MS., text, and transla*
tion, full bibliography. Illustrative documents, and discussion of all
* 1. Harris'

points involved. Harris' edition gives the entire text in facsimiU^
and contains valuable prolegomena and notes.

The writing entitled ** Teaching of the Twelve Apos-
tles" was discovered a few years ago by Philotheos
Bryennios, Metropolitan of Nicodemia, in the Jerusalem
Monastery of Constantinople, and was edited by him in
1883. The MS. was written about io;6, and contains,
besides the Teaching, Chrysostom's Synopsis of the
Old and New Testaments, the Epistle of Barnabas, the
Epistles of Clement of Rome (the only complete copy
known), the spurious Epistle of Mary of Cassoboli to
Ignatius, and the twelve Pseudo-Ignatian Epistles.

This '' find '' of Bryennios was hailed as one of the
most important of modern times, and in a short time a
^^brary of books and articles had been published about it

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234 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PERU

Much of the interest was due to the fact that the docu-
ment was supposed to have originated near the close of
the apostolic age. With many the chapter on baptism
was the center of interest. Probably no other event of
recent times has done so much to quicl<en popular inter-
est in early Christian literature.

a. Date of Composition. The utmost diversity of
opinion as to the date of the Teaching has existed since
its publication. Most students have assigned dates within
the period A. D. 70-165 : Bryennios, 120-160 ; Harnack,
130-i:. 160; Hilgenfeld, latter half of second century;
Farrar, c, 100; Lightfoot, 80-110; Warfield, c. 100 ;
Schaff, 70-100. The "archaic simplicity" of its prac-
tical directions and the apparent primitiveness of its
church order are the chief grounds on which the claim
of antiquity rests. The relation of the first chapters on
the "two ways " to a similar section of the Epistle of
Barnabas, has had much to do with the opinions of
scholars. Those who hold that Barnabas borrowed from
the Teaching incline to an early date for the latter ; those
who suppose the writer of the Teaching to have been
indebted to Barnabas naturally give to the former a later
date. The better opinion probably is, that both writers
used an older widely circulated document. The primi-
tiveness of the church order is not inconsistent with
a much later date than the earliest assigned, if we sup-
pose (which was probably the case) that it was prepared
and first used not in a great ecclesiastical center, where
hierarchical development made great strides during the
latter part of the second century, but in some region re-
mote from the great currents of church life. (Compare
the simplicity and primitiveness of the Coptic and Ethiopic
Apostolical Constitutions, which no doubt assumed their
present form about the beginning of the fourth century.)
There is therefore no reason for assigning the Teaching to
an earlier date than the latter part of the second century.

b. Place of Composition. Here also opinions vary.
Syria and Egypt have each its advocates. The weight
of argument seems to be in favor of Egypt. Most of the
early evidence of the use of the document is found in
Egyptian writers. Its similarity to the Epistle of Barna^*
bas, to the Egyptian Ecclesiastical Canons of the Holy

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES ^35

Apostles, and to the Apostolic Constitutions, favors this
view. The circumstances supposed in the chapter on
baptism seem to accord better with what we know of
Egypt than with what we know of Syria. The mention
of mountains in the eucharistic prayer (Chap. IX.) has
been adduced in favor of Syria. In any case, the writing
was prepared by a Jewish Christian for use in a Jewish
Christian community.

c. Authenticity. It is doubtful whether the writer in-
tended to represent the Teaching as composed by the
twelve apostles. He may have meant only to claim for
his compilation conformity with apostolic teaching. Few
early Christian writings are so poorly attested. Eusebius
(Cn 325) mentions a writing called ** Teachings of the
Twelve Apostles " as being among spurious writings
Athanasius (fourth century) mentions a writing under
this name as proper reading for catechumens. There is
no earlier mention of the Teaching. Clement of Alex-
andria (c. 202) quotes a sentence that is found in the
Teaching ; but both writers may have derived it from
some earlier document. Little importance can be at-
tached to slight coincidences in expression with passages
in the Teaching found in other ante-Nicene writers.
There is no certainty that the document we possess is
identical with that mentioned by Eusebius and Athana-
sius, or that the latter was as ancient as the second cen-
tury.

d. Sources of the Teaching. There are a few quota-
tions from the Old Testament, and several allusions to
Old Testament and apocryphal books. The New Testa-
ment books are not referred to by name, but most of the
gospel precepts that are quoted are to be found in Mat-
thew's Gospel. A few sentences correspond with pas-
sages in Luke's Gospel. Whether the writer had before
him these two Gospels, or whether he had a combination
Gospel, we cannot say. A number of coincidences have
been pointed out that would seem to indicate some
knowledge of Johannean teaching. There is no direct
reference to Paul or his Epistles, though there are pas-
sages that may have been suggested by Pauline writings.
Coincidences with other New Testament writings are
scarcely definite enough to warrant the inference that the

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236 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II

writer was acquainted with them. Schaff has made a
detailed study of the seeming quotations from and allu-
sions to the Old and New Testament writings^ and has
subjoined a tabulated view.

e. station of the Teaching to Other ^Documents.
Whether the Teaching is an original work or a compila-
tion it is not easy to decide. The latter is the more
probable view. The material of the first six chapters,
consisting of the **two ways," had great currency
among the ancient churches. It is found in somewhat
fuller form in the Epistle of Barnabas, and with still
greater amplification m the Ecclesiastical Canons of the
Holy Apostles, an Egyptian document (preserved in
Greek, Coptic, and Ethiopic, probably written in the
third century), and in the Apostolical Constitutions (fourth
century), which purport to have been written by Clem-
ent of Rome. In the Ecclesiastical Canons the moral
precepts are distributed among the apostles. It is not
likely that the Teaching was derived from either of these
documents, and it is by no means certain that either of
these was derived from the Teaching.

/. Contents. The first six chapters consist of moral
precepts, adapted to purposes of catechetical instruction.
Chap. VII. gives directions as to baptism. Trine immer-
sion, after catechetical instruction, fastin;;, and prayer, is
^ prescribed. In case of absolute lack of any kl"^ ^^
^^ water, affusion is^allowed. Chap. VIII. gives directions
for fasting and" prayer, Wednesdays and Fridays being
the days prescribed for fasting, and the prescribed form
of prayer being the Lord's Prayer, to be used thrice
each day. Chap. IX. gives directions, with forms of
prayer, for the celebration of the eucharist. This ordi-
nance is restricted to baptized believers. Chap. X. gives
a form of prayer to follow communion. Chap. XI. to
XIII. treat of apostles and prophets, their testing and
treatment. The utmost caution is to be used in receiv-
ing strangers claiming to be apostles and prophets ; but
every true prophet is worthy of his food. uhap. XIV.
treats of the Lord's Day as the time of the Christian
sacrifice. According to Chap. XV., bishops and deacons
are to be elected by the church, and are to be held in
honor along with prophets and teachers. The book

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 237

closes (Chap. XVI.) with an exhortation to watchfulness
in view of the coming of the Lord.

(7) FragmnUs.

a. Papias of Hierapolis, a disciple of John, who suf-
fered martyrdom about 155, collected much information
about the apostolic age, and wrote an ** Explanation of
the Lord's Discourses." Fragments have been pre-
served by Irenseus and Eusebius. These are of value
chiefly in relation to the New Testament Canon.

b. The Epistle to Diognetus is a beautiful exposition of
the Christian faith by an unknown author, and may have
been written about the middle of the second century.

c. To Sixtus (the sixth pastor of the Roman church,
1 19-128) is ascribed a remarkable collection of four
hundred and thirty •' Sentences" or aphorisms. There
is much doubt, however, as to the authorship of these
''Sentences."

rf. Of the large body of New Testament Apocrypha
and Christian Sibylline books that have been preserved,
a considerable number, doubtless, fail within the age of
the Apostolic Fathers.

III. THE APOLOGETICAL PERIOD.

LrrERATURE: Otto, *^ Corpus Apologiianm Christia$wnm SofciUi
Stamdi,** This edition contains critical texts of all the extant docu-
ments, together with full prolegomena, critical, exegetical, and his-
torical notes, Latin translation, etc. ; English translation in the
••Ante-Niccnc Fathers."

By the time of the Emperor Hadrian, Christianity had
attained to considerable importance, and systematic ef-
forts for the securing of its rights began to be made. It
came to be felt that patient endurance might be carried
to an extreme, that it was better to live and labor than
to suifer martyrdom. The apologists are Quadratus,
Aristides, Justin, Tatian, Athenagoras, Theophilus, Her-
mias, and Melito. Of Quadratus and Melito we have
only fragments.

I. General Observations.

(I) The earlier Christian writers show little culture or
intellectual power. Now we see men trained in the pM«

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238 A JWANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.R

losophy of the time bringing to the defense of the gospel
all of their ability and culture. Such men, contributed
greatly toward making Christianity respectable, toward
stimulating Christian thought, and toward calling the at-
tention of the educated classes to Christianity.

(2) The apologies were written, not so much with a
view to inducing those addressed to accept Christianity,
as to secure for Christians the right to exist.

(3) The most important of these were addressed to
emperors, viz : to Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius.
This fact is in favor of the view that the persecution of
Christians was not mainly the result of imperial edicts,
but of popular prejudice and hatred.

(4) The charges against which they defend Christian-
ity are three : Atheism, licentiousness, and cannibalism.

a. Atheism has always been regarded by the populace
as one of the greatest of enormities. The Christians
incurred this charge by their rejection of the pagan gods,
by their refusal to sacrifice, and by their disuse of images.
Pagans could not understand how any one could really
believe in a god without these accessories. The apolo-
gists refute this notion by setting forth clearly the Chris-
tian idea of God, as a Spirit to be worshiped only spir-
itually. They show that their worship of God is far
more real than the idol worship ; nay, that the gods of
the pagans are, according to their own representations,
weak and contemptible, given to all sorts of human
passions.

b. The charge of licentiousness arose doubtless from
the fact that Christians frequently met in secret places
at night, and that they manifested great affection one for
another. The pagans were unable to understand what
other motive than licentiousness they could have for such
meetings. The apologists in defense point out the Chris-
tian doctrine in regard to chastity, which makes even a
licentious thought sin.

c. Whether the charge of cannibalism arose out of
pure malice, or from a misunderstanding of the state-
ments of Christians about eating the body and drinking
the blood of Christ, it is impossible to determine. The
apologists show that the Christian doctrine in regard to
the deadly sin of murder is entirely antagonistic to the

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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 239

murdering of infants. Nay, Christians will not even
allow the exposure of children (a thing common among
the pagans). Besides, the Christian doctrine of the
resurrection would prevent Christians from eating human
flesh.

(5) They seek to show that Christianity is the oldest
religion in the world, and not, as their enemies main-
tained, a thing of recent origin. Justin, e. g., maintains
that Moses wrote the Pentateuch long before the Trojan
war, and hence farther back than the Greeks could trace
their history. Christianity is simply a fulfillment of the
prophecies and types of the Old Testament. It is main-
tained that all that is pure and noble in Greek lite^'ature
was stolen from the Old Testamen:; that Socrates and
Plato, e.g., derived their 'deas of God from Moses. The
Sibyl is quoteJ as prophecy.

(6) The apologists stake everything on the Old Tes-
tament. Christ came to fulfill Old Testament prophecy,
and to impress Old Testament teachings on men's minds,
but he taught noth-ng new. To make these things ap-
pear, the allegorical method of interpretation is freely
employed.

(7) The main evidence for Christianity, therefore, is
prophecy. Miracles might be wrought by demons, but a
prediction can come from God alone. Much effort is
made to show definite fulfillment of prophecies.

(8) The purity of Christ's life and teachings, and the
marvelous transforming power of Christianity are con-
stantly and most impressively set forth.

2. Individual Writers.

The field now becomes so broad that we shall be
obliged to examine it by specimens. We select Aristides
as the earliest apologist whose writings are extant, and
Justin as the ablest and most influential.

(/) Aristid4S.

LrrERATURE : Harris and Robinson," The Apology of Aristides,"
1891 ; in Vol. IX.. p. 257, w., of the " Ante-Nicenc Fathers " New
York, 1896, Kay has published translations of the Greek and Syriac
texts in parallel columns, with introduction and notes ; Egli, '^Z#s^
sckriftf. IVisstHsch. Thiol.^^ Siit.qg,sM. : Hilgenfeld, ibsd., S#d. 103,
f#g.; MacDonald, " Indian Ev. Rev./' January, 1892, p. 279, siq.;

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240 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.U

Harnack, in " Thsol. LHUratur^nttrng,** 1891, Snt. 301, u^., and 52;
s/j.. in Herzog-Haucic's '^ Rtal-En^cklopadu,'^ second edition, 'Bd.
XVIIm SiiU 675, wj., and in " G$sch, I Alichr. L«r./* Bd. I., 5«r.
96, sMf., 'Bd, 11., 5#f^ 271, stq.; Seeberg, in ^^ZahtCs Farsehmgtn^*^
'Bd. v., Siii, 253, uq.^ and 317 ; Henneclce, *' 7>x<# mk/ UfO^suck*
Httgm,'* 'Bd. IV., TAWZ 3.

^. Recovery of the Apology. Eusebius * mentions Aris-
tides as *• a believer earnestly devoted to our religion,
who left an apology for the faith addressed to Hadrian."
This document was until recently supposed to be irre-
coverably lost. In 1878 a fragment, inscribed '* Aristides,
the Philosopher of Athens," was discovered and published
by the Mechitarist monks of Venice, in an Armenian ver-
sion. The materials available for forming a judgment as
to its authenticity were insufficient, but most critics
(Harnack included) pronounced in its favor. In 1889,
Prof. J. Rendel Harris discovered a Syriac version In the
convent of St. Catharine, on Mount Sinai, which he
edited with prolegomena, translation, and notes, in 1891.
Not long afterward Mr. J. A. Robinson, Harris' collabo-
rator, discovered that the defense of Christianity con-
tained in a religious novel by John of Damascus (died c.
754), entitled *' Life of Barlaam and Josaphat," consti-
tuted the Greek text in a practically complete form. The
Syriac text is far longer than the Greek as found in
** Barlaam and Josaphat," and bears evidence of deliber-
ate expansion. It is probable that the Greek text was
somewhat condensed for insertion in the story. It is a
remarkable fact that the main part of the Greek story in
which the Apology of Aristides is embedded is taken
from a Buddhist story entitled "Lalita Vistara," and that
•* Josaphat " is an adaptation of Gautama (Buddha) who
figures in the original story. It is equally remarkable
that the Roman Catholic Church long ago canonized the
hero of the story as *' St. Jehosaphat."

b. Date. According to the Syriac version the Apol-
ogy was addressed not to Hadrian, as Eusebius supposed,
but to Antoninus Pius. If the Syriac version is correct,
the date of the writing could not have been earlier than
138, and it could not well have been written later than
147. Kay is inclined to credit Eusebius as against the

"Church History." Bk. IV., Chap. III. *"^

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 241

Syriac version, and to date the document about 125. In
any case, it is probably the earliest extant post-apostolic
defense of the Christian religion. The only known pre-
decessor in this branch of literature is Quadratus, whose
writing is lost.

c. Character of the Apology. It is largely occupied
with an exposition of the Christian idea of God and of
Christ, and of the Christian plan of salvation, by way of
comparison with heathen religions. The author displays
a remarkable acquaintance, not only with Greek and
Roman philosophy and religion, but also with the Egyp-
tian, Persian, and possibly with the Indian systems.
The writer sets forth the characters of the heathen
deities in a repulsive light, and the apology comes near
being a polemic ; but the writing is conciliatory in spirit,
and might have been expected to make a favorable im-
pression on an emperor who had little regard for the cur-
rent polytheism. No nobler defense of Christianity was
ever written. It is possible that it had something to do
with the comparatively favorable attitude of Antoninus
toward Christians.

(2) Justin (Martyr.

LITERATURE: See in addition to literature given above, Gilder-
sleeve's excellent edition of '* Justin's Apologies^'; Semisch. ^*J«stm
dtr (Martyr.^^ (also English translation of same) : Baur, ''Dw dni
irsi, Jakrh.^^* passim; Rltschl, ** Altkath, Kirch$^^ passim; Bome-
mann, '* Das Taufspibold. Jusims Martyr.^** in '* ZiHsckr. f. Ktrckm-
r#sdk./' Bd. III., Siit. i ; Weizsacker. *^Dii ThtoL d. Justin M'artj^.,"
in ^'Jakrimchirfur diutscb$ Th$ologUr 1S67, Siit. 60, uq. ; Aub^, *'5.
Justin, PkOos, it OAartyrr 187$ ; Enffelhardt, " Das Ckristsutkum
Justms dis (Afartyr,^^^ 1878 ; encyclopedia articles on ** Justin."

a. Shetch of Justin. The quasi-autobiographical de-
tails given in the dialogue with Trypho are generally
taken to be substantially accurate. According to this
account he was a Samaritan by birth, saw in his youth a
good deal of persecution of Christians, and admired, the
endurance they displayed. He seems to have been pos-
sessed of ample means, and to have enjoyed excellent
educational advantages. He studied for a while with a
Stoic, hoping to find rest for his troubled soul. But find-
ing himself growing none the wiser with regard to God,
he went to a Peripatetic, a sharp fellow in his own eyes.

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242 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.n.

Soon disgusted with him, he betook himself to a cele-
brated Pythagorean, who insisted that he must learn
music, astronomy, and geometry, as a necessary prepara-
tion for philosophical studies. Greatly troubled on ac-
count of this rebuff, he went to an intelligent Platonist,
from whom he learned the Platonic philosophy, and for a
time he was highly elated with his progress.

About this time, while walking near the seashore, he
fell in with an aged Christian, with whom he conversed
freely, and by whom he was convinced of the truth of
Christianity. After his conversion we know very little
of Justin's life. He continued to wear his philosopher's
robe, while as an evangelist he traveled from place to
place, seeking to win men to the gospel. He seems fre-
quently to have sought conferences with men of educa-
tion, and to have tried to convince them of the truth
of Christianity. He met with violent opposition from the
philosophers about the court of Marcus Aurelius, and his
martyrdom (c. 165) was probably due to their animosity.

b. First Apology of Justin. This was addressed to the
Fmperor Antoninus Pius and his adopted son, Marcus Au-
tef'us. The writer gives the time that has elapsed since
the birth of the Christ as one hundred and fifty years.*
Other internal and external evidences are favorable to
this date (150), or a few years later. The year 138 or
139, that has sometimes been insisted upon, seems impos-
sible, for Marcus Aurelius addressed as a '* philosopher,"
was still a youth, and Lucjus (Commodus ?), also ad-
dressed as son of a Caesar, was only eight or nine years
old. It is written with care, and the emperor is ad-
dressed most courteously. The Apology is naturally
divided into three parts. In part first he shows that
Christians ought not to be condemned without a fair
hearing, and that they are innocent of all crime. Fn
part second he gives the arguments for the truth of the
Christian religion. In part third he describes the wor-
ship of the Christians.

Part I. After the address, Justin claims for Christians
the privilege of all defendants. It is unjust and demoni-
acal to condemn Christians unheard for the mere name's

1 ** FIrtI Apology/* Chap. 44

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CHAP, ni.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 24}

sake. Christians are no atheists. They worship God
the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. If some
Christians are convicted of crime, let them suffer as in-
dividuals. But the fact that Christians prefer death to
falsehood proves their innocence. Christians are not to
be blamed for refusing to worship images — an absurd
worship — nor for believing that God, the Creator of all
things, does not desire gifts. Again, the empire has
nothing to fear from Christianity ; Christ's kingdom is
not of this world. The empire has no better subjects
than the Christians.

Justin then points to the wonderful changes in the
character of men wrought by Christianity; the strict
obse 'ance of chastity, of love for all, of charity to the
poor, of patience, of avoidance of swearing, of obedience
to rulers, and of payment of tribute. If such subjects
are to be despised, the emperors are in danger of future
judgment. A resurrection of the body, which such
judgment involves, is no more difficult for God than cre-
ation, and there is not half so much absurdity about the
mysteries of Christianity as about those of paganism.

Part II. Justin undertakes to prove three things : (i)
That truth is taught by Christianity alone ; (2) that the
Son of God was truly incarnate ; (3) that the fables oi
paganism were invented by demons to discredit the ad
vent of Christ, and make that appear a fable likewise
The incarnation of Christ is proved from prophecy, and
Justin lays down rules for the interpretation ot prophecy
Notwithstanding the fact that Christ's death and suffer-
ings were predicted, man's will is free. Those that went
astray before the incarnation of the Logos are responsi-
ble, for the seeds of the Logos were in all (Chap. 46).
The fables concerning Zeus were invented by demons,
wtth a view to throwing discredit on the coming of the
Son of God. That Christ was to come they had learned
from the prophets ; but the demons did not understand,
and hence were not able to imitate, the cross. Justin
enumerates many symbols of the cross (Chap. 55).
The demons still mislead men in the persons of such
magicians as Simon, Menander, and Marcion, and cause
the persecution of the Christians.

Part IIL Justin here shows how the Christians con-

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244 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL

secrate themselves to God in baptism, celebrate the
Lord's Supper, etc.

c. The Dialogue with Trypho the Jew. This production
has the form of a Socratic dialogue, extending through
some days, between Justin and Trypho with his six com-
panions. The dialogue may be divided into three parts.
First : Justin refutes the opinion of the Jews concerning
the law. Secondly: He shows that the true Son was
begotten by God, became incarnate, and was crucified
for our sake. Thirdly : He maintains that the calling of
the Gentiles and the constitution of the church by Christ
were predicted and prefigured long ago. This extended
writing is of great importance as showing the attitude of
Jews and Christians toward each other about the middle
of the second century.

d. Theology of Justin, (a) God the Father Justin seems
to have regarded, with almost Gnostic absolutism, as ab-
sent in relation to creation and Providence. " He remains
in the super-celestial regions — never appears or speaks
to any one by means of himself."* *'^lo one that has
but a small particle of sense would dare to say that the
Father, leaving all things above heaven, had appeared in a
little portion of the earth." ' Thus, the omnipresence of
God seems to have been lost sight of.

(b) Christ, with Justin, is the Son of God. •' As a be-
ginning before all creatures, God begat a certain rational
power from himself, who is also called by the Holy Spirit
'Glory of the Lord,' and sometimes 'Wisdom,' and
sometimes * God,' and sometimes ' Lord,' and * Logos.' "•
Through Christ all things were made, and through him
all things are ordered. Justin makes no distinction be-
tween the divine and the human in Christ.

(d) The IVUl. Justin's doctrine of free will would
probably have been regarded at a later time as Pelagian.
The freedom of the human will is not affected by pro-

Ehecy, for prophecy is simply a result of God's fore-
nowledge of what would be.* Every man has the
power of choosing good or evil. Repentance or change

> " Dial, with Tr.." Chap. 96. * " DIaL." Chai>. 60. • " Dial./' Chap. <>.
« ^' First Apolosy." Chap. 64.

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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 24S

of mind is an act of man's free will, by which he turns
from evil to good. When a man changes his mind toward
Gody God at once pardons all his sins/ Christ's work
in regard to man's salvation was, therefore, not to satisfy
the Divine justice, but by enlightening men's minds to
turn them from the worship of demons unto God, and
as a sufferer, to go through all the trials of men, over-
come them, and lead men to the same victory.

(e) The Church, as represented by Justin, consists of
believers only. All the members are priests, and the
sacrifices that these priests make are thanksgivings
poured out over the cup and bread. The only officers
mentioned are deacons and presidents. Baptism is ad-
ministered only to believers, after fasting and prayer.
Like Barnabas and Hermas, Justin seems to have re-
garded baptism as the culmination of the process of re-
generation, in which remission of sins actually takes
place. Christians meet together every Sunday. Some
one reads as long as there is time from the writings of
the apostles or prophets. Then the president instructs
or exhorts to the imitation of these goo(j things. Then
all rise together and pray. After this, bread and wine
mixed with water are brought. The president gives
thanks, the people saying ' Amen.' Then there is a dis-
tribution to each member present, and a part is sent to
the sick. A collection for the poor follows. Justin gives
us the most detailed and lifelike view of the ordinances
and worship of the early Christians that we have.

The so-called '* Second Apology " of Justin has been proved by
BoU, Zahn, Hamack, Veit, it al.^ to be no Independent work, but a
sort of appendix to the Apology proper. Justin had already written
a somewnat elaborate ''Syntagma," against the Gnostic heresies,
which has perished, but the substance of which was probably in-
corporated in the works of Irensus and Hippolytus.

(j) Othtr tApologisis,

a. Tatian. The Apology of Tatian, or Oration to
the Greeks (c. 172), is one of the most remarkable,
though not one of the most important, of the apologies.
Tatian was brought up in heathenism, was a sophist or
rhetorician, and was therefoire skilled in argumentation.

1 '* Dial.." Chap. 4S.

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246 A JWANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.U

His Apology Is one of the most denunciatory of all the
apologies of this time. In fact, it is little more than a
tirade against paganism. Every pagan practice and be-
lief is held up to ridicule with great acuteness and almost
unrivaled sarcasm. The effect of such a writing could
hardly have been favorable to the Christians. His classical
references and quotations are more numerous than those
of any early Christian writer except Clement of Alexan*
dria. After the martyrdom of Justin, who seems to
have helpfully influenced him, he adopted Gnostic views,
repudiating marriage as sinful, rejecting the Old Testa-
ment as the revelation not of the true God, but of the
Demiurge, etc.

ft. Athenagoras. Next to Justin Martyr may be
ranked Athenagoras, the Athenian philosopher, who em-
braced Christianity as a result of an examination of the
Scriptures, with a view to their refutation, and who wrote
an apology for the Christians to Marcus Aurelius and
his son Commodus (c. 177). The Apology is written in
a rhetorical style, abounds in quotations from the Greek
classics, and is ^ceedingly conciliatory in tone, verging
upon flattery. The arguments employed and the char-
acter of the theology are not very different from those
of Justin. In some respects this is one of the best and
most admirable of all the Christian apologies of this age.

c. Theophilus. The next in importance, perhaps, is
Theophilus of Antioch. Theophilus is said to have be-
come bishop of Antioch about the eighth year of Marcus
Aurelius, 1. ^., 169, and wrote his treatise in defense of
Christianity to Autolycus during the reign of Commo-
dus, probably c. 190. Unlike the apologies of Justin
and Athenagoras, the main object is, not to defend the
Christians (though this is not neglected), but rather to
convince Autolycus of the absurdity of heathenism and
the truth of Christianity. Theophilus, like Athenago-
ras, shows great familiarity with Greek classics, and his
writings are frequently resorted to by critics of the clas-
sical Greek texts on account of their richness in citations.

IV. THE POLEMICAL PERIOD.

There were polemical treatises in the preceding period.
Justin, e. g., wrote extensively against heresies, but

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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 247

nothing distinctively polemical has reached us from this
period. Side by side, during the first half of the second
century, an apologetical and a heretical literature had
sprung up. In some of the Apologists, as in some of the
Apostolic Fathers, we see tendencies that might easily
develop Into Gnosticism. Gnostics, about the middle of
the second century, were everywhere attracting by their
culture, their respectability, their extravagant claims to
be the only true Christians, and by their aristocratical
principles, many of the ablest minds. Many that did not
fully accept their views were yet deeply affected by
them. A desire for system was one of the fundamental
characteristics of Gnosticism. This desire became con-
tagious. The Gnostics' bold speculations with regard to
the Godhead, the origin of the world, of sin, etc., were
the means of arousing those who would otherwise have
been content with simple faith to a systematizing of
Christian doctrine. They felt that it was not enough to
declare the Gnostic systems absurd. They must put
sometb\ng better in place of these. Christian writers
now begin to express themselves accurately on doctrinal
points.

I. General Observations.

(i) In the preceding period, the chief writers were
men who had just emerged from heathenism, and had
devoted their early manhood to heathen philosophy.
They brought into Christianity much of their previous
modes of thought, and hence we find a great deal of
crudeness in some of their doctrinal statements. Now
we find men that have grown up under the greatly im-
proved Christian culture that prevailed after the middle
of the second century.

(2) The Apologists wrote in times of persecution and
aimed to ward off danger from without. The polemical
writers see the greatest dangers to Christianity, not in
outward violence, but in the alarming spread of error
under the guise of Christian truth.

(3) Now for the first time the New Testament Scrip-
tures are seen to occupy their proper place. The Old
Testament is not discarded, but the New Testament books
are quoted as authority and carefully studied. In their

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248 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a

contests with paganism, when the great reproach to be
avoided was that of novelty, we have seen that the
Christian Apologists attempted to prove Christianity to
be the oldest religion in the world, and to this end ex-
alted the Old Testament as the only source of authority.
The case is different now. The polemical writings are
mostly directed against Gnostic teachers, who entirely
repudiated the Old Testament and sought to connect
their systems with the New Testament writings.

(4) Here we first see the idea of an orthodox catholic
church, strongly set forth in opposition to heresy, and the
basis for future ecclesiastical development firmly laid.

(5) Most of the earlier writers had been Oriental by
birth or by education. The ablest of the polemical writers
belong to the West.

(6) Some writers of this period recognize, from seeing
It carried to extremes by the Gnostics, the evil results of
the allegorical interpretation of Scripture, without, how-
ever, being able entirely to free themselves from it.

(7) The method of argumentation most in favor is
that of the reductio ad absurdum. Arguments from Scrip-
ture, especially from the New Testament, occupy, how-
ever, an important place.

2 Individual Writers.

(/) Irmmms.

Literature : Harvey's and Stieren's editions (the former has
English prolegomena and notes, and is the lust edition ; the latter
has Latin prolegomena and notes, and embraces reprints of all the
principal treatises on Irensus from Erasmus onward): English
translation In "Ante-Nicene Fathers"; Neander, Vol. L, passim;
Pressensi, '' Martyrs and Apologists," fyassim; Schaf7, Vol. II., p.
746, siq.; Mceiler, p. 109, seq. ; Bunsen. " Hippol.»" Vol. I.,jp. 246;
Domer, " Person of Christ," Div. I., Vol. I., p. 303, s$q. ; Ritschl,
''yfltkath. Kirchi/' p. 312, uq, ; Duncker, '' D. Ckristologit d k.
frnufus; Hamack, '^ Zeitschr. /. hsst. Tkeol.,*' 1874, p. 174, m^., and

t, 211, seq.; Zahn, ** Zeitschr, /. hist, Thiol.^^* 1875, p. 72, sm. ;
ightfoot, " Contemporary Review," August, 1896 ; Kopes, in " Bib-
Uothica Sacra^** 1877 ; encyclopedia articles on '' Irensus."

a. Sketch. Irenaeus was born in Asia Minor, about
130-135, and in his youth was a disciple of the aged
Polycarp. He received a liberal education, for he cites

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 249

most of the leading Greek classics. He was a diligent
student of the Old and New Testaments. He quotes by
name almost all the earlier Christian writers of whom
we know anything. He was thoroughly acquainted with
the heretical literature of his own and preceding times.
He was, moreover, a man of great piety and zeal, and of
simple faith. In 177, when Pothinus, the pastor of the
Christian church at Lyons, had suffered martyrdom,
Irenaeus, who had been laboring in the region for some
years as a missionary, bravely took the dangerous posi-
tion. Persecution ceased, but the relaxation caused by
Immunity from persecution probably caused false doc-
trine to gain more and more acceptance. Toward the
close of his busy life Irenaeus wrote his " Five Books
against Heresies" {c. 185), in which the views of the
different heretical sects are stated and refuted, and in
which Christian doctrine is ably expounded. The sys-
tematizing of Irenasus has formed the basis for all later
efforts.

b. tAbstract of the Five Books Against Heresies, Book
I. is devoted mainly to a historical account of the various
Gnostic sects (Chap. 1-9). By way of contrast to the
heretical teachings, the author presents a declaration of
the faith of the Catholic Church, perhaps the first dis-
tinct statement of the faith formally drawn up in a series
of propositions.

Book II. is a philosophical polemic against the Valen-
tinian Gnostics, interspersed with criticisms of their false
interpretations of Scripture. The philosophical argu-
ments are designed : {a) To prove the unity of God, and
the absurdity of the Gnostic distinction between the
Supreme Being and the Demiurge ; (b) to overthrow the
Platonic hypothesis of a correspondence between the
world of ideas and the visible world. Many Valentinian
doctrines rested on this. Irenaeus insists that when the
Scriptures are plain and unambiguous they shall not be
explained ambiguously according to the fancy of iht in-
terpreter. The truth is never to be arrived at in this
way, for the method of discovery has been rejected.
Ambiguous passages (as parables) should not be made
the source of doctrines (Chap. i). Perfect knowledge
is not attained in this life.

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2$0 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IL

Book III. is chiefly a refutation from Scripture of the
Gnostic heresies : First, concerning the unity of God,
and secondly, concerning the person of Christ. The
fact that the Gnostics differ among themselves, and
the recent nature of their traditions, is contrasted with
the agreement of Catholics in doctrine, handed down di-
rectly from the apostles. The Old Testament and the
New Testament agree in teaching that there is but one
God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the Cre-
ator of all things. Irenaeus asserts the canonicity and
inspiration of the four Gospels (Matthew, Mark, Luke,
and John), and of these only. He refutes the opinion of
those who attempt to establish an antagonism between
Paul and the other apostles by Paul's own testimony,
that the same God wrought in Peter to the apostleship
of the circumcision and in himself to that of the Gen-
tiles. He proves the pre-existence, incarnation, and suf-
fering of Christ from Old and New Testament passages,
rejecting, like Justin, the translation of the Hebrew word
in Isa. 7 : 14, ** young woman," and applying the proph-
ecy to the birth of Christ from a virgin.

Book IV. consists of proof from the words of Christ
himself that he recognized but one God and Father, and
this the same that is set forth in the Old Testament.
The Gnostics' perversions of the words of Christ are
refuted. Irenaeus proceeds to combat the view of Mar-
cion, which excluded Abraham and his posterity from
salvation through Christ, showing that they were in-
spired by the same God from whom Christ came (Chap.
8-11). The Old Testament system still continues in
the New Testament system. Sacrifices are perpetu-
ated in the Lord's Supper (Chap. 17, 18). The book
concludes with a vindication of the Old Testament Scrip-
tures against the cavils of the Gnostics.

Book V. is devoted chiefly to a vindication of the doc-
trine of the resurrection against the Gnostic objections.
The chief objection of the Gnostics was the essentially
evil nature of matter, and hence the unsuitableness of
a material body for a state of blessedness. This same
feeling led them to deny the real incarnation of Christ.
Irenaeus maintains the true humanity and the true divin-
ity of Christ, and shows how both are necessary to the

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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 251

truth of our Lord himself and to the redemption of man-
kind. This established, he uses it as a proof against
those who deny that flesh is capable of salvation.

c. Theology of Irenaus. (a) God. Irenaeus does not,
like Justin, exalt the Supreme Being above all relations
to the world. The result of such exaltation in the
Gnostic systems that he combats, depriving them as it
did of any firm basis of thought and plunging them into
endless speculations, would save him from such an error.

(b) The Son. The emanation theory of the Gnostics
would have prevented Irenaeus from representing the
Son as created or as emanating from the Father. With
Irenaeus the Logos is eternal. He says : ** God being all
mind and all Logos, both speaks exactly what he thinks
and thinks exactly what he speaks. For his thought is
Logos, and Logos is mind, and mind, comprehending all
things, is the Father." Thus he seems to identify the
Logos with the Father. Elsewhere he writes : " If any
man say to us, * How then was the Son produced by the
Father } ' we reply that no one understands that produc-
tion, or generation, or calling, or revelation, or by what-
ever name one may describe his generation, which, in
fact, is indescribable."* Perhaps his doctrine of the
Logos can be fairly said to imply no more than that the
Logos is God, considered in his thinking, creative, and
redeeming aspect.

(c) The Holy Spirit^ according to Irenaeus, is identical
with the Wisdom of the Old Testament, and is God
manifest in Providence, revelation, and the human con-
science. The Trinity of Irenaeus would therefore be :
God in the world, God in Christ, and God in himself.

(d) Freedom of the Will. In opposition to the fatalism
of the Gnostics, Irenaeus maintains the freedom of the
will, and asserts that with God there is no coercion.
Those who yield obedience to God have the promise of
eternal good. Only by regarding the will as free can he
account for the exhortations in the Old and New Testa-
ments to do good, and the promises made to those that
obey.*

(e) The eternal decree of redemption is represented as

1 Book II.. Chap. it. * Book IV., Chap. 37.

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2^2 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PHtU

an act of God's love. The atonement is a ransom paid,
not to God, but to the devil, to whom all who have dis-
obeyed God are in subjection.

(/) Irenaeus looked upon the Church as an organic unity
whose doctrine had been handed down through a succes'
sion of presbyters. He nowhere lays stress upon epis-
copacy as a divine institution, but makes the liberty and
independence of each church (including a city with its
surrounding villages) the fundamental principle of the
ecclesiastical constitution. !n Irenaeus' time, the ques-
tion whether Easter should be celebrated on the 15th
Nisan on whatever day of the week it might occur, or on
the first Sunday after the vernal full moon, was raging.
Victor, pastor of the Roman church, was arrogant enough
to break off communion with the churches of Asia Minor
because they adhered to the former view. Irenaeus, in
an epistle to him (cited by Eusebius), while agreeing with
him in opinion, censures severely his intolerant conduct.
"Christ's apostles," he says, "have ordained that no
one shall disturb men's consciences with regard to such
things. It is not right to tear asunder the bonds of
Christian communion on account of festivals and sea-
sons, knowing as we do from the prophets that such
things celebrated in hatred and discord do not please
God."

We see also that the Roman church had by this time
great prestige. Irenaeus believed that it was established
by Peter and Paul, who appointed successors. This be-
lief, together with the position of the Roman church in
the metropolis, the administrative ability that it early
displayed, and the readiness with which it sent contribu-
tions to needy Christians in other places, caused it to be
looked up to, and to be frequently appealed to in matters
of controversy (so even in the time of Clement). We
see also that a formalizing tendency had already set in
at Rome and in Asia Minor (the Easter controversy) ; but
Irenaeus did not favor such a tendency.

(3) H^polytus.

:arde's editions :

^ ; Bunsen, "Hi ..„ _„ .

i8$2-6; DoUlnger '^//^te^itf If. Callistus/* iSs^ (English transla*
tion, 187$); Wordsworth, "St. Hippolytus and the Church ci

LITERATURE : De Lagarde's editions: English translation in the
•• Ante-Niccnc Library"; Bunsen, ••Hippofytus and his Age,"

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 253

Rome"; Volkmar, ^^H^4>olyius u. d. torn. ZHtgmossM^^ 185$;
Lip^us, '* Qyi^lUn d. dlUst. KHtirg$uhichU,'' 187$ ; Achdis, ''Hippo-
Mshidwi,'' 1897 ; Caspar!, " Quslhn tut G$sch, d. Tauf symbols,'' Bd.
III., SiU. 377t sfQ^y 187$* A new edition of the works of Hippo-
lytus, edited by Bonwetsch and Achelis, is in process of publication
under the auspices of the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences.

a. Sketch. Considering the number and the importance
of his writings, surprisingly little is known of the life of
Hippolytus. Eusebius seems to be the earliest extant
writer to mention him, and his knowledge was exceed-
ingly limited. He was born, it is probable, shortly after
the middle of the second century, whether in Rome or
in the East is unknown. Like most of the leading
Roman Christians of the second century he was of
Oriental origin and Greek was his native tongue. He
is said to have been a disciple of Irenseus, but when or
where the personal intercourse of the two occurred is
not recorded. It is not improbable that Irensus on one
of his visits to Rome gave a series of discourses on the
Gnostic heresies that formed the basis of his great work
on the subject. Eusebius calls him " bishop," but does
not know over what church he presided. He places him
in the time of Alexander Severus (222-235). From the
*' Refutation of All Heresies " it is manifest that Hippo-
lytus was an active participant in Roman church matters
during the pastorates of Zephyrinus and Callistus (199-
222). It would seem that, for reasons given in another
paragraph, he refused to recognize Callistus as bishop,
and that he became the recognized leader or bishop of
the stricter party that claimed to be the true church of
Rome. After the death of Callistus he probably became
reconciled with the principal church, and as a presbyter of
the church continued his ecclesiastical and literary work
until 235, when he and Bishop Pontianus were trans-
ported to Sardinia by Maximinus the Thracian. They
probably died in the mines, but they are said to have
been buried on the same day in Rome, where they were
honored as martyrs. A statue of Hippolytus has been
unearthed in modern times (1551), bearing a catalogue
of his writings on its pedestal. The late tradition that
he was bishop of the Portus (at the mouth of the Tiber)
seems to be diie to a desire to account for the fact that

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254 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.tt

he was bishop and martyr by those Ignorant of the fact
that he was bishop of the faction that opposed Callistus.
Hippolytus was one of the four greatest scholars and
theologians of his age (ranking with Tertullian, Clement
of Alexandria, and Origen), was a most rigorous disci-
plinarian, a keen and hard-hitting polemicist, and had
much in common with contemporary Montanism and
later Novatianism.

b. IVritings. Hippolytus was a voluminous writer.
The list of his works includes dogmatic, polemical, and
exegetical treatises. Most of these have been preserved
only in fragments. In 1842 a manuscript was discovered
in the monastery on Mt. Athos, which was at first sup-
posed to be the lost ''Philosophumena*' of Origen, and
was published as such by E. Miller at Oxford in 18$ i.
The criticism of Bunsen, Dollinger, Volkmar, et al.,

E roved that it was the "Refutation of All Heresies," by
lippolytus. The decisive considerations in favor of this
view are, (a) that the style of the work is such as to ex-
clude Origen's authorship, and (fc) that the author refers
to a work of his own whose -title is given in the list of
Hippolytus' works on the ancient statue referred to.

" The Refutation " covers substantially the same
ground as the great work of Irenaeus, which in many
points it materially supplements. It is the opinion of
many recent critics (Lipsius, Hilgenfeld, Harnack, et al.),
that both writers drew largely from Justin's lost ''Syn-
tagma," that Hippolytus used the work of Irenaeus, and
that he had access to a number of Gnostic works that
have perished. The most remarkable part of " The
Refutation," and that which has been most provocative
of controversy, is Book IX., in which he makes his
refutation of the heresy of Noetus an occasion for
denouncing the laxity and doctrinal unsoundness of
Callistus.

c. The Roman Church in the Time of Hippolytus.
During the second century the Roman church greatly
increased in numbers and influence. Persecutions had
occurred from time to time, but these were not so severe
nor continuous as seriously to interfere with the develop-
ment of the body. No doubt it continued to receive
important reinforcements from Asia Mlnori Greece^

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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 255

Syria, and Egypt, and Greek appears to have been still
the language of Ronaan Christians. With the exception
of Minucius Felix, all Roman Christian writings till some
time after the close of the second century were Greek.
Gnosticism, Montanism, Adoptionism, and Monarchianism
had found their way to Rome, and several leading
Gnostic teachers had propagated their views there with
considerable success. But the Roman church, so far
from yielding to such influences, was led thereby to
strengthen its organization. Monarchial episcopacy was
one of the results of its contest with pagan intoler-
ance and Gnostic heresy. From the beginning the
Roman church manifested something of the practical
spirit that little by little secured for it a place of leader-
ship and authority among the churches. Its location in
the great metropolis, its practical benevolence, its free-
dom from extreme doctrinal developments, due in part to
its poverty in speculative theologians, gave it a great
advantage over other churches. During the reign of
Commodus and his immediate successors (180 onward)
immunity from persecution had brought into the church
multitudes of imperfectly Christianized people from the
wealthier classes, and discipline was in consequence
gradually relaxed. In the time of Hippolytus we see in
the church two distinct parties, a rigorous party almost
Montanistic in its severity, led by himself and apparently
in a small minority, and a liberal party represented by
Zephyrinus and Callistus, supported by the wealth and
the social influence of the church.

Victor, chief pastor of the church (c. 189-199), had
been a man of great sternness, and many had been
restive under his rigorous discipline. He was succeeded
by Zephyrinus (199-219), a man of little moral or intel-
lectual weight, who permitted the flock to be led astray
by all sorts of false teachers ; and, under the influence
of Callistus, permitted various moral delinquencies to
have place in the church. Callistus, a slave, had been
entrusted with a large sum of money, had embezzled it,
had been imprisoned, then released, then banished to the
mines of Sardinia for having caused a riot in a Jewish
synagogue. Having escaped from the mines through the
good offices of Marcia, the emperor's favorite, he re-

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«56 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.U

turned to Rome, now a freed man, became the right-hand
man of Zephyrinus, and succeeded him as chief pastor
in 219.

During Zephynnus' pastorate the Noetian heresy,
according to which God the Father and Christ are abso
lutely identical, and hence the Father was born of a
woman and suffered on the cross, had been introduced
at Rome. Callistus, apparently, adopted this doctrine,
and brought his influence to bear upon the young and
promising Sabellius. Hippolytus and his party strove
earnestly against these theological errors, and were
stigmatized by their opponents as ditheists, because
Jiey insisted on the absolute deity of Christ and yet
.efused to identify him with the Father. Hippolytus
»emonstrated with Sabellius, who held, that the terms
••Father," "Son," and "Spirit," are only designations
of the three different phases under which the Divine
essence reveals itself, all three together exhausting the
revelation of God to the world.

Callistus, when he became chief pastor, threw off
Sabellius as not orthodox, and with a view to conciliating
Hippolytus and his party set forth his own views in a
form slightly differing from the Noetian, but in the
opinion of Hippolytus essentially the same. This modi-
fied Sabellianism Callistus is said to have propagated
with the greatest diligence and success. Callistus
offended Hippolytus more by his laxity of discipline
than by his doctrinal unsoundness. Many that had
been excluded from the church for gross misconduct
were restored, Callistus proclaiming himself ready *' to
forgive all sins." He taught that if a bishop should be
guilty even of a mortal sin he could not be deposed.
He maintained that Noah's ark, in which clean and un-
clean beasts were preserved together, was a type of the
church. He is said to have permitted ladies of rank who
did not wish to marry to have slaves for paramours.

In narrating the career of Callistus, Hippolytus manifests so much
passion that his representations cannot be Implicitly trusted. Cal-
listus must have been a man of marked ability and more than
usually attractive personality to have risen from slavery and a
reputation for dishonesty to the foremost position in the church. He
may have honestly dltfered from Hippolytus as regards the dlsd-

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CHAP, in.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 257

plinary policy of the church. Hippolytus imputes the worst of
motives to all his actions, and represents his proceedings in the
worst possible light. Rumors and suspicions figure, apparently, as
undoubted facts.

It is by no means certain that Caliistus was as much at fault in
relation to Noetus and Sabellius as Hippolytus would have us be-
lieve. The views of these teachers he caricatures. No doubt they
were making an honest effort to express the great facts of revelation
with reference to the Godhead in such a manner as to avoid dithe-
ism or tritheism, the Gnostic emanation theory, and the Ebionitlc
denial of the true deity of the Son. They wished to hold fast the
divine unity and monarchy and the absolute deity of Christ. The
modal doctrine of the Trinity was the result. Sabellius applied the
term " person " (»pow»or) to each of the three modes of divine mani-
festation (as Father, Son, and Holy Spirit), a term that in a differ-
ent sense was to figure prominently in the orthodox theology of the
later time.

(^) TsrhiUioH.

LITERATURE : Oehler's edition of Tertullian ; English translation
in *' Ante-Nicene Fathers" ; Neander, ''Atttignosiicus^ Spirit of Ter-
tullian," and *' Ch. History," Vol. 1.. passim: Pressensi, '* Martyrs
and Apologists," p. 374, s#j. ; Schaft, Vol. II., p. 818, siq, ; Kaye
(Bishop of Bristol), ^'Ecclesiastical History of the Second and
Third Centuries, Illustrated from the Writings of Tertullian " ; Baur
and Ritschl, as on ** Montanism " ; Bonwetsch,"£)tf SchrifUn d, Tirt>
ttach d. Znt ihrer Vtrfassung^^ 1879; Harnacic, ^^ Ziiischr. /. hist.
ThtoL^^ 1878, p. S72, stq, ; Hauschild, *' Tertullians PsychoUm,*^
1880 ; Haucic, '* Ttrt, Ubm und Sckrift^J* 1877 ; Nocldechen, '^7>r-
tullian," 1800 ; works On the ** History of Doctrine," by Hagenbach,
Neander, Baur, Shedd, Sheldon, Cnppen, Hamack. Loofs, Fisher,
Seeberg, etc. ; encyclopedia articles on *' Tertullian."

a. Sketch. Tertullian (b. 1 50-160) was a native of
Carthage and the son of a Roman proconsular centurion.
He was educated in Roman law and in the liberal arts,
and had attained to considerable eminence before his
conversion. He also acquired familiarity with the Greek
language, and is said to have written some works in it.
He was greatly influenced by Stoic philosophy in its later
form, as is manifest in his theological thinking. He is
the first Christian writer in whom Roman law and Stoic
philosophy appear as determining elements. His conver-
sion may have occurred about 180, under what influence
we are not informed. His ability and zeal soon led to
his appointment as a presbyter in the Carthaginian
church. His able and voluminous Latin writings laid
the foundations for Latin theology. He was the first

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258 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II

important Christian writer to use this language, and he
forged it into shape for Cyprian, Lactantius, Jerome,
and Augustine. According to Jerome, " he was a man
of sharp and vehement temper." He had little in
common with the Platonising theologians, and had
no patience with Gnostic theosophy. ** He apprehended
Christianity . . . eminently in its opposition to all the
pallid wisdom of philosophy, as a mighty supernatural
reality, a divine foolishness wiser than men, creating
and transmuting, challenging and disdaining contradic-
tion. His was a fiery nature, rich in fantasy, witty and
passionate, and inclined to paradox, at the same time
endowed with a certain amount of Oriental (Punic)
warmth and sensuousness, but also with a good share of
Roman sense of what is solid and effective." *

In mid-career his views underwent an important
change. By way of reaction against laxity in discipline,
that was so glaringly and scandalously manifest in the
Roman church under Zephyrinus, he was carried away
by the rigor and enthusiasm of the Montanists. While
there is no lack of zeal and fervor in his earlier writings,
the later are still more intense and are characterized by
the forms of teaching peculiar to Montanism. His works
are too voluminous to be adequately described in this
chapter. The more important ones will be referred to
in connection with the characterization of his chief
adversaries and the statement of his distinctive doctrinal
positions. He seems to have been a born fighter and
throughout his career to have been much engaged in
controversy. He is pre-eminently the polemicist of the
age.

b. Adversaries of Tertullian. (a) The Monarchians or
Patripassians, as represented by Praxeas, who had com-
bated Montanism in Asia Minor and ** when the bishop
of Rome had acknowledged the prophetic gifts of Mon-
tanus, Prisca, and Maximilla, and . . . had bestowed
his peace on the churches of Asia and Phrygia," had
" by importunately urging false accusations against the
prophets themselves and their churches . . . compelled
him to recall the pacific letter which he had issued."

1 MSiler. "Ch. Hist.." Vol. L, p. aoi.

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CHAP. lU.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 259

He availed himself of his visit to Rome to disseminate
there his Monarchian views of the Godhead. By this
visit " Praxeas did a two-fold service for the devil at
Rome. He drove away prophecy, and he brought in
heresy ; he put to flight the Paraclete, and he crucified
the Father.'^*

Monarchianism had become widespread by the beginning of the
third century. The ^ound of It may be stated thus : Up to about
I7J most of the Chnstian writers had represented Christ as the pre-
existent Logos, and in a way that seemed to imply subordination.
In opposition to Ebionism the church gradually freed itself from this
implied subordination! sm. But the difficulty now was that of seem-
ing to postulate two Gods. Hence those that held to a distinction
between Father and Son, and yet refused to admit the subordination
of the latter^ere stigmatized as *'ditheists." Those that rejected
the Gnostic Docetism,the Ebionotic denial of Christ's Divinity, and
the setting up of two equal personalities, were driven to views like
those of Noetus and Sabeilius. The most decided opposition to this
tendency was that offered by Montanism. TertuUlan's treatise,"/^*/-
vtrsus Pfoiuon^^ is the ablest contemporary refutation of Monarchian-
ism.

(ft) Paganism, as represented by idolatry, vicious
spectacular exhibitions, the persecution of Christians,
etc. Tortullian displays his great rhetorical powers to
best advantage in his denunciation of paganism and In
his eulogizing of Christianity by way of contrast.

(c) The various Gnostic systems that were combated
also by Irenaeus and Hippolytus. Tertullian's fiery
African nature did not permit him to reason calmly, and
here, as in all his polemics, he is too denunciatory and
fails to give his adversaries credit for the good that their
systems contain. Yet Tertullian probably did more to
overthrow Gnosticism than any other man.

{S) The Jews. The " Answer to the Jews " was
occasioned by a discussion that occurred between a
Christian and a Jewish proselyte. The reasoning is not
very different from that of Justin in his " Dialogue with
Trypho."

c. Tertullian and Montanism. Tertullian was the
great theologian of the Montanistic movement. His
conversion to Montanism was probably a gradual one,
and occurred when he was already of mature age. The

^ " Advnus PrMMoii." Chap. 1.

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26o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II

genius of Tertullian was too great to exhaust its influ-
ence upon a sect. In Latin theology nothing had ap-
peared at all comparable with his writings, and we may
suppose that they were eagerly read throughout the
Latin churches. Tertullian was so stanch a defender
of the fundamental doctrines of Christianity that his au-
thority was everywhere great, notwithstanding his Mon-
tanism, and through him Montanistic views were infil-
trated into the dominant form of Christianity in the suc-
ceeding time.

d. Theology of Tertullian. (a) With regard to the
Godhead. As an opponent of Monarchianism, especially
in the form of Patripassianism, Tertullian held most tena-
ciously to the distinction of the Father and the Son.
No earlier writer had expressed himself with so much
precision on the doctrine of the Trinity. His clearest
statement is found in his treatise ''/tdversus Praxean/*
Chap. 2 :

We believe in one only God, yet under this dispensation, which
we call " economy," that the one only God has a Son. his Word
(ssrmo)t who proceeds from himself, throup^h whom all things were
madCc and without whom was made nothmg. That this Son was
sent by the Father into a virgin and was bom of her. man and
God, Sen of Man and Son of God, and named Jesus Ciirist ; that
he suffered, that he died and was buried, according to the Scriptures,
that he was resuscitated by the Father and taken back into heaven,
that he sits at the riRht hand of the Father, that he will come to
judge the living and the dead : who has sent thence from the Father
according to his promise the Holy Spirit, the Paraclete, the sanctifier
of the faith of those that believe in Father, Son, and Holy Spirit.

And farther on :

And nevertheless the sacrament of the '* economv " is jeuardedi
which disposes unity into trinity, arranging three. Father, Son, and
Holy Spirit ; three, however, not in state but in degree ; not in sub-
stance but In form ; not In power but In aspect ; but of one sub-
stance and of one state and of one power, because it Is one God
from whom those degrees and forms and aspects, in the name of
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, are reckoned.

He remarks (in Chap. 3) that the greater number of
the Christians of his time, having just abandoned poly-
theism, are in mortal dread of the ** economy," "pre-
suming that a numbering and disposition of trinity is a
division of unity." Tertullian maintains that *' unity

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 26l

deriving trinity out of its very self is not destroyed, but
administered thereby." Again (in Chap. 9): "For
the Father is the whole substance, as he himself informs
us : * The Father is greater than I ' ; but the Son is a
derivation and portion of the whole." Thus Tertullian
distinctly formulates a doctrine of the Trinity, but he
seems to deny the co-eternity and co-equality of Son
and Spirit with the Father. Largely as a result of his
Stoical training, Tertullian was materialistic and could
not allow that God himself was immaterial and formless,
(fc) With regard to man's original and actual condition,
Tertullian advances views far more developed than those
of any of his predecessors. In answer to Marcion's
cavil that if God had been good and prescient and

?)tent, he would not have allowed man to fall into siny
ertullian argues that '' God alone is good by nature, for
he who has what is without beginning has it not by
institution, but by nature. But man, who is altogether
by institution, having beginning, with beginning was
allotted a form in which he should be, and so was deter-
mined to the good, not by nature, but by institution,
not having as his own to be good, because not by nature
was he determined to the good, but by institution, ac-
cording to the Good Institutor, that is to say, the Maker
of good things."

He adds that free will was given to man in order that*
he might attain unto a good of his own analogous to that
of -God. Had man remained subject to the Divine will
he would have been exalted above the angels. Sin con-
sisted in the fact that man sought to free himself from
subjection to the Divine will. If God had restrained
man from sin it would have involved a withdrawal of
freedom from man, which was potentially the instrument^
of his highest good.

Here also the Influence of Stoicism is manifest. The Stoics held
that evil is necessary for the production of moral virtue, that there
is no virtue where tnere is no choice, and that man was created fret
to choose.^

After the fall the "corruption of [man's] nature is

1 "^dvenu$ mareioium," Bk. II.. Chap, s-9-
* Compare Hatch. " Hibbert Lectures," p. a^i.

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262 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IL

another nature, having its own god and father, namely,
the author of corruption himself, yet so that there
inheres also that principal, that divine and true (gertna-
num), and properly natural, good of the soul. For what
is from God is not so much extinguished as beclouded.
It can be beclouded, because not God ; it cannot be ex-
tinguished, because from God."*

Man, therefore, assisted by the grace of God, freely
bestowed upon all through Christ, is capable by the seed
of good that remains in him of turning unto God and
attaining to salvation.

Tertullian was the first, so far as we know, to formu-
late the doctrine of the transmission of the soul by
propagation from parent to child, known in the history
of doctrine as " Traducianism." His psychology is
somewhat materialistic, in harmony with his Stoic mode
of thought. He defines the soul * as " born of the truth
of God, immortal, corporeal, having form, simple of
substance, . . free of will, obnoxious to accidents,
mutable through natural dispositions, rational, dominat-
ing, divining, multiplying from one." Elsewhere he
gives an account of a Montanist prophetess, who pro-
fessed to have seen a soul and attempted to describe its
outward appearance.

(c) Baptism. No Christian writer of the early cen-
turies wrote so extravagantly regarding the magical
effects of water baptism. His attitude toward baptism
was due in some measure to his Stoical conception of
the essential unity of matter and spirit (materialistic
monism).

The treatise *' D# Bapt^mat$ " begins : '* Blessed is our sacrament
of water, in that, by washing away the sins of our early blindness,
we are liberated into eternal life.'*^ Again: " But we, little fishes,
after the example of our ix^va Jesus Christ [the letters of this Greek
word meaning fish are the initials for ' Jesus Christ, Son of God,
Saviour,' and the picture of a fish was a very common sign among
the early Christians], are born in water " (Chap, i ). He dilates on
the age and the dignity of water as the pnmeval element on which
the Divine Spirit orooded. "Water was the first to produce that
which had lire, that it mieht be no wonder in baptism if waters
knew how to give life" (Cnap. 3). He argues that " the Spirit of
God, who hovered over (the waters) from the beginning, would

1 " Dt Atdmar 46. * Ikid,, n.

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CHAP. Ill] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 263

continue to linger over the waters of the baptized." " Thus," he
continues, ** the nature of the waters, sanctified by the Holy One,
itself conceived withal the power of sanctifying. ' Again: '*A11
waters, therefore, in virtue of the pristine privilege of their origin,
do, after invocation of God, attain the sacramental power of sanctl-
fication." Again: "Therefore, after the waters nave been In a
manner endued with medicinal virtue through the intervention of the
angel, the spirit is corporeally washed in £fie waters, as the flesh is
in the same spiritually^' (Chap. 4). He calls attention to the iustral
rites of various heathen peoples and the magical efficacy ascribed
thereto, but it does not seem to occur to him that he is paganizing
Rather he argues that *' if the mere nature of water . . . leads men
to flatter themselves with a belief in omens of purification, how
much more will waters render that service through the authority of
God, by whom all their nature has been constituted " (Chap. $). ^

Tertullian earnestly dissuades from the practice of •
bapti:(ing little children (not infants), which appears to
have been becoming somewhat common in his time.
He is insisting ^ upon the utmost care in the administra-
tion of baptism, lest those should be baptized who have
not a proper understanding of the efficacy of the ordi-
nance and the obligations it entails. Believing as he
did in the«unpardonableness of post-baptismal sins, he •
thought that no one should be baptized who was not in
a position to guard his life most scrupulously from the
moment of his baptism. •

" Let them come," he says, " while they are adolescent, while
they are learning, while they are being taught wherefore they come ;
let them become Christians when they become able to know Christ."
Tertullian opposed the baptism of nttle children, but not on abso-
lutely correct principles. The custom that he is arguing against
appears to have been the baptism of children who were large enough
to ^'hasten to the remission of sins," but who yet had no proper
idea of Christianity. On the same ground Tertullian argues that
the unmarried and virgins ought to delay their baptism until they
have passed through their maturity.

(d) State of Christian life represented in the writings
of Tertullian. The opposition between the worldly
Christians and the ascetical, legalistic, Montanistic party
had reached its climax. Abundant evidence of the cor-
ruption of morals in the churches, and of the growing
tendency toward episcopacy, which Tertullian as a

' D* B^tismaU,** 17.

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264 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER 11

presbyter combats, is furnished by the writings of Ter-
tullian.

e. The Carthaginian Church. It is not known just how
or when Christianity was first introduced into Carthage,
but almost certainly from Rome, in the first half of the
second century. Carthage had by this time come to be
one of the great cities of the world. Africa was the
chief source of grain supply for Italy, and Carthage was
its commercial center. It had adopted the language of
Rome and had developed considerable intellectual ac-
tivity. It combined the licentious idolatry of the East
with the luxury and extravagance of Rome. It is de-
scribed by an ancient writer as the Rome of Africa and
as surpassing all other cities in corruption and vice.

Yet Christianity found acceptance here among all
ranks of people, even the highest, and from this centre
spread all over Proconsular Africa. By the close of the
second century the Christians numbered many thou-
sands. A distinct type of Christianity was naturally
developed here, combining Roman organization with
African fire and impetuosity. In all matters the North
African Christians seem to have tended to extremes.
Nowhere else did such violent schisms occur during this
period. Carthaginian Christianity had little of the
speculative spirit of the Alexandrian, and its speculative
heresies (Gnosticism. Monarchianism, etc.) were chiefly
importations.

Here, as at Rome, opposition soon arose between the strict and the
lax elements. It is only necessary to read Tertullian's treatises con-
cerning Idolatry, Spectacular Exhibitions, Chastity, Modesty, and
Veiling of Virgins, to be convinced of the corruption in which a part
of the Carthaginian Christian community was involved. We
learn that the virgins or nuns of the church were fond of fine dress
and of attending the public baths (no sign of modesty); that
makers of idols were sometimes admitted into the church, urging in
defense of their conduct inability to support themselves otherwise ;
that Christians could not be restrained from witnessing spectacular
exhibitions; and that drunkenness, gluttony, and lust abounded.
Such things were condemned by the strict Montanistic party, which,
driven to despair by the condition of the church, doubtless became
somewhat fanatical in its zeal for purity and separation from the
world, exalting virginity, insisting upon abstemiousness in regard
to every human pleasure, being zealous for martyrdom, etc.

Fanaticism in religion almost always springs from despair in rela*

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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 265

tion to the actual state of things and opposition encountered in efforts
for reform.

{4) QfprioH,

LITERATURE : '* Qfrtam Omnia Opsra^^^ various editions, Eras-
mus, Fell, Goldhom, Hartel, etc. (A critical edition of Cyprian is a
desideratum) ; Pontius, " De Vita Cppriam'* : Eusebius, ** Hist. Ecc.,'*
Bk. VIL, Chap. 3 ; Lactantius, Bk. V., Chap, i ; English transla-
tion of Cyprian's works in " Ante-Nicene Fathers^* ; Neander,
" Ch. Hist.,'' Voi. L.passim ; Pressens6, " Mart, and Apol.," pp. 414,
stq. ; Poole, ** Life and Times of Cyprian " ; Rettberg, ** Qprioftus
nach siitum Uhen md IVirken'* ; Long, in ''Baptist Quarterly,"
1877 ; O. Ritschl, ** Qyp, von Carthago,'' 1885 ; Greenwood, ** Cathi-
dra Pttri,'' Vol. I.; TiUemont, '' Mimoins,'^ Tom. IV., p. 76, ssq. :
•' St. Cyprian's Correspondence " in ** Church Quarterly Review,'*
July, 1891 ; Goctz, *' G$seh, </. Cypr, Litteratwr'' 1891 ; Le Provost,
'' Etudi philosot>kiquiit Uttsrain sur St. Cyprien,'^ 1888 ; Freppei, *' 5/.
CypriiH it VEgliu d'Affiqus^'' Third Edition, 1889 ; Bohringer, " Bio-
paphien^' Bd. 1., th. 2, Seit. 813-1030; Benson, ** Life of St.
Cyprian " ; encyclopedia articles, especially '* Herzog," and " Diet,
of Chr. Biog."

a. Sketch. Cyprian was born in Proconsular Africa,
probably in Carthage, about 200. Like Tertullian, he
was the son of a Roman officer and was educated as a
rhetorician. He was a brilliant teacher of rhetoric before
his conversion to Christianity. Having adopted Christi-
anity, he at once became zealous in defense of it, and de-
voted his ample means to Christian purposes. He was an
ardent admirer of Tertullian, and may be regarded as his
disciple. Cyprian became bishop of the Carthaginian
church so shortly after his conversion as to cause much
dissatisfaction among the presbyters. But the Christian
community had become so impressed with his sanctity
and his fitness for the highest position in the North Afri-
can Church, that he was enthusiastically appointed, not-
withstanding the opposition.

The Decian persecution soon broke upon the North
African Church. The fury of Decius was directed par-
ticularly against the bishops. When Cyprian could no
longer remain at Carthage with any safety, he went into
retirement. This exposed him to the charge of unfaith-
fulness on the part or his enemies ; yet he probably had
a truer view of Christian duty than those who courted
martyrdom. His letters to the people during this period of
separation show that he felt the profoundest solicitude for

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266 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. II

their welfare. Having returned, he suffered martyrdom
under Valerian (258).

b. Theological Position of Cyprian. Though far infe-
rior to Tertullian in learning and philosophical ability,
Cyprian has always held a high place among the Fathers
of the Church. He transferred the life and theology of
Tertullian into the Catholic Church. Though a man of
great holiness, Cyprian may be said to have done more
for the development of hierarchical views than any man
of this age. The circumstances under which he was
placed, the difficulties he had to encounter, together with
the remarkable administrative powers and predilections
which were his by nature, led him to take a position in
advance of his age in favor of hierarchical principles.

Cyprian was the first to establish clearly the distinction
between presbyters and bishops, and the primacy of the
Roman church as the Cathedra Petri,

(a) The distinction between presbyters and bishops. We
have seen that up to the time of Irenaeus the distinction
between presbyters and bishops was by no means clear.
The distinction, firmly established from the time of Cyp-
rian, was brought about in the following way: The
churches had come to be large bodies difficult to manage,
especially in times of persecution. The collection and
distribution of alms had assumed vast proportions, and
the superintendence of this work devolved upon the
bishop. The bishop was chairman of the board of pres-
byters and the leader of the church in the administration
of discipline. Presbyters often disagreed, and the feeling
grew that there should be in each Christian community
a center of authority, whereby schism might be prevented
and unity preserved. This was especially the case in
large cities, where a single organization was maintained,
with many places of worship, each presided over by a
presbyter of the church. Occasions would frequently
arise for the interference of the bishop, and when the
need for episcopal authority came to be strongly felt the
vindication of such authority was sure to follow.

In general, a struggle took place between the aristo-
cratical government of the presbyters and the monarch-
ical government of the bishops. Bishops when they had
strong governing talent and were popular, gradually

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 267

gained the upper hand ; so, especially, did it happen in
Cyprian's struggle with the Carthaginian presbyters.
The triumph of episcopacy undoubtedly promoted for
the time tranquillity and order ; but it was unfriendly to
the free development of ecclesiastical life and led to the
sacerdotalism or a later time.

Cyprian, while in retirement, still attempted to give
direction to the church of Carthage, and instructed the
presbyters as to the administration. Whenever he had
to decide anything without consulting the presbyters, he
was careful to excuse himself. But many such cases oc-
curred and the precedent was established.

Yet Cyprian conceded to the people the right of choos-
ing worthy bishops, and of rejecting unworthy ones.
The fact that he himself was elected by popular vote,
and even against the desire of some of the presbyters,
was enough to secure his recognition of this right. But
the very popularity of Cyprian enabled him to triumph
over the presbyters, just as Hildebrand, at a later time,
triumphed over the bishops by arousing the people against
them.

He was a genuine pastor, and had the profoundest re-
gard for the welfare of each member of the flock. He
had administrative plans, and he insisted on executing
them. The interests of the people must be regarded,
whether the presbyters concurred or not. His motives
seem to have been pure ; but when the same method
came to be applied by less worthy bishops, great abuses
resulted.

(ft) The doctrine of the suprema(y of the %oman Church
as the Cathedra Petri, and the center of unity of the one Uni-
versal Church. Irenaeus had insisted upon the unity of
the church ; but it was a spiritual unity, resulting from
community of headship in Christ and from community of
belief, as handed down through a succession of presby-
ters, not an external, organic unity. The general ten-
dency of the church from this time forward was toward
making religion external ; and the idea of the spiritual
unity of the church was easily transformed into that of
outward unity.

The same tendencv that led to the centralization of
power in the bishop, for the sake of securing unity and

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268 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. n

order, led to a centralization of power in a head of the
universal church. If the church was an outward, organic
unity, it needed a single mouthpiece, just as much as did
a single community. Controversies were arising every-
where among bishops. A supreme bishop — a bishop of
bishops — was needed to adjudicate upon these controver-
sies. There arose thus in the minds of Cyprian and
others a desire for such a unifying, authoritative power ;
but it is noticeable that such a power was desired only oi*
the supposition that the authoritative head would decide
justly, i. e., on Cyprian's side. The thought never oc-
curred to Cyprian, perhaps, of submitting to an unjust
decision, i. e., one against himself.

In his work, " De Unitate EcclesicB^" Cyprian makes use
of such language as this : " The primacy was given to
Peter, that one church of Christ and one chair might be
pointed out." *' Does he believe that he is in the faith,
who does not hold this unity of the church ? Does he
trust that he is in the church who strives against and re-
sists the church ? who deserts the Cathedra Petri on
which the church has been founded ? " " There is one
episcopate, by the single members of which each part is
held in solidity." *' Just as there are many rays of the
sun, but one light ; and many branches of the tree, but
one strength, founded on the tenacious root ; and since
from one source many streams flow forth, the numerosity
may seem diffused by the bounty of the surging stream,
nevertheless unity in origin is preserved. Pluck a ray
of the sun from the body, the unity of the light does not
receive a division." " He cannot have God for his Father
who has not the church for his mother."

There is considerable ground for skepticism regarding the authen-
ticity of these strong expressions regarding the Caihidra Petri and the
primacy of the Roman bishop. While there is no documentary basis
for the theory of interpolation, it seems improbable that the Cyprian
who was so self-assertive in his intercourse with the bishops of the
Roman church in his time should have sought to exalt the authority
of these very bishops. But it may be that the object he had in view
ill writing this treatise led him to forget for the time his personal
attitude toward the incumbents of the Roman See.

c. ^Adversaries of Cyprian, (a) With regard to the
treatment of the ** lapsed.** Large numbers of nominal

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 269

Christians were le^ by physical fear or love of property
to deny the faith. When persecution had ceased these
clamored for re-admission into the churches. Martyrs
and confessors had always been highly esteemed. Some
of these were supposed to have made dying requests for
the restoration of the fallen. In the eyes of many this
was a sufficient ground for indiscriminate restoration. A
certain Lucian claimed to have been directed by a well-
known confessor, Paul, to give " letters of peace " to all
the lapsed, and accordingly spread such letters broad-
cast through the North African churches. In many cases
the lapsed, with these letters in their hands, overawed
presbyters and bishops ; but Cyprian was not to be thus
overawed. The decided stand that he took on this matter
brought him into controversy not only with the confes-
sors, but also with some of the presbyters (those chiefly
that were already against him), and with the Roman
church, which was in favor of leniency toward the
lapsed.

Cyprian adopted a middle course : Those who showed
signs of true penitence and whose sins had not been par-
ticularly grave, were to be restored ; others, not. This
was one of the hardest battles Cyprian had to fight ;
and in the course of it he was led to assert the divine
right of bishops as successors of the apostles, appointed
by God himself and acting in the name of Christ, and
their supremacy over presbyters.

(b) \Vith regard to the administration of church finances^
etc. Novatus was one of the presbyters who opposed
the election of Cyprian. In direct opposition to Cyp-
rian's wish he soon appointed (or caused to be chosen)
Felicissimus as deacon in his church. The opposition be-
tween Cyprian and Novatus and Felicissimus was long and
fierce. Before Cyprian's return from exile, he sent two
bishops and two presbyters to examine into the condition
of the churches and to make a schedule of all the poor
who were to be supported from the church funds, with
notices of their ages, their conduct in persecution, etc.
They were directed to give to the poor from the church
funds what they needed for immediate support and to
give to mechanics who had lost everything in persecution,
money for purchasing tools, etc. Felicissimus, as deacon

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270 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II

and treasurer, refused to allow Cypr^n to meddle with
the finances of Novatus' church. This church now be-
came the resort of many of the lapsed, and a schism was
effected with Felicissimus at its head. A council was
called by Cyprian, and Felicissimus and his party were
condemned. Both parties appealed to Rome, and although
the Roman church agreed with Felicissimus with regard
to the treatment of the lapsed, it refused to recognize a
party that was looked upon as schismatical. The party
of Felicissimus never became strong.

(£:) JVith regard to the validity of heretical baptism.
After the rise and diffusion of schismatical bodies, per-
sons frequently sought admission into the churches who
had been baptized in these. The churches of Asia Minor
maintained the invalidity of heretical baptism. This
principle was rigidly adhered to by the Montanists, and
had come from Tertullian to Cyprian. The opponents
of Montanism soon began to oppose re-baptism.

In 255 Cyprian secured the convening of a council,
which decided in favor of the stricter principle ; although
in 253, Stephen, bishop of Rome, had excommunicated
the bishops of Asia Minor for holding to this view, stig-
matizing them as "Anabaptists." It is wonderful how
Cyprian's tone, in correspondence with the Roman
bishop, varies according to circumstances. He now
writes to Stephen, giving him the decision of the African
council and the reasons for it, without once alluding to
any authority of the Roman bishop to reverse the decision.
The tone is somewhat bold and defiant.

(d) With regard to the competemy of the church to for-
give the lapsed, Cyprian's views on this subject are his-
torically connected with the Novatian schism, discussed
above. It is remarkable, that although Cyprian tended
toward the Montanistic rigor he was prevented from sup-
porting the Novatianists by two considerations: First,
that the extreme position drove men to despair, and he
was wise enough to see that it was impracticable ; sec-
ondly, that the Novatianist party had broken the unity of
the church by setting up a bishop in opposition to a duly
consecrated, and hence divinely apf>ointed, bishop.
Cyprian could endure anything rather than see the
unity of the church broken. The idea of the one Uni-

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 27 i

versa! Church was gaining a strong hold upon men's
minds in Cyprian's time, and any party that should
break this unity was sure to be repudiated by the most
influential Christians and churches, however holy the
life or pure the doctrine of such party.

V. THE SCIENTIFIC PERIOD.

Alexandria at the beginning of the Christian era was
the most cosmopolitan city in the world. Oriental and
Occidental culture met and blended there as nowhere
else. The Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy, as seen most
fully developed in the writings of Philo, was one of the
most noteworthy products of the eclecticism that there
prevailed. Nowhere was a new religion or philosophy
so sure of a hospitable hearing. Here Gnosticism and
speculative Ebionism flourished. The first introduction of
Christianity into the city is veiled in obscurity. Tradi-
tion points to Mark as the founder of the Alexandrian
church. A distinct mode of theological thought, of which
Pantaenus, Clement, and Origen were the great ex-
ponents, was here developed. Shortly after the middle
of the second century a catechetical school was estab-
lished for the instruction of the children of believers and
fresh converts from paganism in the fundamentals of
Christian doctrine and morals. The first teacher of
whom we have information was Pantsenus, whom his
more distinguished pupil praises, but whose writings have
not survived. The instruction at first must have been
very elementary in its nature. Under Clement, who
succeeded Pantsenus, the school grew in popularity, and
the instruction became more scientific. Clement having
fled from Alexandria during the persecution under Se-
verus (202 or 203), Origen, a mere youth, became
teacher. Under him, the school rose to its highest point
(202-230), attracting large numbers of pagans and Gnos-
tics, as well as Christians. Clement and Origen may be
regarded as the first really scientific students of Chris-
tianity and the Christian Scriptures ; the first, the Gnostic
bodies excepted, who attempted to reduce Christianity
to a consistent, harmonious system. Alexandria con-
tinued to be a chief center of Christian thought and
influence until the seventh century.

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272 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.li

/. General Characteristics.

(i) Earlier Christian writers like Irenaeus, Hippolytus,
and TertulHan^ had discussed individual doctrines with
special reference to attacks made upon them by heretics.
But the idea seems never to have occurred to them to
make a systematic exposition of Christianity as a whole ;
to apply comprehensive principles to the interpretation
of Scripture ; to compare systematically the different
parts of Scripture among themselves. Such a study of
Christianity was begun toward the close of the second
century at Alexandria.

(2) Alexandria being the seat of speculative philoso-
phy, whence most of the elements of Gnosticism had
come, it might have been expected that Christianity,
after it had become well established here, would assume
a speculative form.

(3) The Alexandrian theologians with whom the
scientific spirit had its birth, were Platonists (with a
strong admixture of Pythagoreanism and Stoicism). Not
that they had been simply brought up Platonists (as
were Justin and Athenagoras, who yet, after they
adopted Christianity, rejected Platonism as the work of
demons) ; but they remained Platonists, and sought to
explain Christianity according to the Platonic categories,
in somewhat the same way in which Philo had, two cen-
turies earlier, attempted to explain Judaism. In fact
these Christian Platonists were greatly indebted to Philo.

(4) The chief difference between the theology under
discussion and that of the Gnostics is, that the repre-
sentatives of the former were decided Christians^ ad-
hered to the historical, and admitted the divine authority
of the Old and New Testaments ; whereas, the latter
had little sympathy with the spirit of Christianity, and
paid no regard to the historical.

(5) Heretofore, the allegorical interpretation had been
applied to the Scriptures, whenever it suited a writer's
purpose. Allegorizing was now reduced to a system.

(6) In the profound speculations of this school of
thought, with regard to the origin of evil, the Godhead,
the will of man, the consummation of all things, etc., lay
the germs of many lat:>r doctrinal developments.

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 27 J
2. Individual IVtiters.

(/) CUmitU of AUsumdria*

LrrERATURE: The best edition of the works of Clement
is that of Dindorf, though this is very defective: Eng. tr. in
" Ante-Nicene Fathers" ; lusebius, " Hist, Ecc'' Bit. V.. Chap. 11,
Bic VI., Chap. II, 13; Photius, ^^Bibliothsca^^* 109-111 ; Bunsen
has made a clever attempt to reconstruct the *' Ht^tuposiis^*' from
fragments preserved by Theodotus and Photius, m his " AnaUcts
AutiHic'' Vol. I., p. iw, $$0.; Bigg, ** The Chr. Piatonists of Alex-
andria" ; Hatch, " The Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon
the Christian Church," 1890 ; Kutter, '* Clem. v4Ux. und das N. 7.,"
1897 ; Merk, ** CUm, %AUx. m siimr AhhangigluH von d. grtsch. Thilo-
lophit^^ 1879; Lehmann, ''Oir KaUch$t$nschuU ^ ^AUxandrim^^
1896 : sections on Clem, of Alex, in the works on the history ot
doctrine, by Loofs, Thomaslus, Seeberg, Fisher, and Sheldon;
Allen, " The Continuihr of Christian Thought," p. ^, s$q, ; Har-
nack, '' Dogminggsch.^'^ Bd. I., 5^. 501, $$q, ; Zahn, *^ Forschimg$n!^
Bd. III., SiS. 17-176; Neander, Vol. I., D.691, s$q.: Schaff, Vol.
II., p. 781, siq.; Moeller, p. 207, ssa.; Pressens6. ''Martyrs and
Apologists," p. 540, seq, ; Bunsen, ^ Hippolytus," Vol. I., p. 239,
s^^. (highly appreciative and apologetic) ; Mansel, ''Gnostic Her.,^'
p. 261, «^. ; Domer, " Person of Christ," Div. I., VoL I., p. 285,
Siq.; Reinkens, " D$ CUm. ^Ux.*'; Kling, in ''Studimu. Kritihm}*
1841 ; Westcott, art. " Clem, of Alex." in Smith's " Diet of Ch.
Biog.," and Bonwetsch, in " Herzog " (third edition).

a. Sketch. Clement was born about 160, probably at
\thens. Having pursued studies under various masters,
of various nationalities and of various religious and
philosophical views, he at last found rest under the in-
fluence of Pantaenus, the head of the catechetical school
in Alexandria, whom he regarded as the greatest of them
all. He always speaks of Pantaenus (not often by
name) in terms of the very highest praise. Pantasnus
was, in his view, the ** deepest Gnostic,*' i. e., possessed
the most perfect insight into the significance of Christi-
anity.

Clement was already profoundly versed in Greek
philosophy and literature and knew something of
Christianity when he came under the influence of Pan-
tasnus. The philosophical Christianity of Pantasnus
satisfied his needs and he devoted himself with ardor
to theological studies. He succeeded Pantaenus as
teacher about 190, and continued in this work until
about 202, when he was driven from his post by perse-

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274 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISIORY [PER. a

cution. But he left behind him a pupil who soon took
his place and gave still greater lustre to the school. He
was probably the most accomplished Christian scholar
before Origen. Greek, Gnostic, and Christian literature
he had not only read, but mastered. His writings
abound in apt quotations from the rich literature at his
command. He was an elegant writer of Greek, and few
early Christian writers are so attractive to the modern
reader.

It was during his residence at Alexandria, and in con-
nection with his duties as teacher, that he composed the
writings on which his fame rests.

In Clement we see a man of a profoundly speculative
mind, with a high appreciation for the true, the beautiful,
and the good, wherever he might meet them, who at-
tempted to form a harmonious system of Christianity in
its relation to the universe. We find in his writings
much that is noble and instructive, together with much
that is fantastic and puerile.

It is in Clement that we see most clearly the influence
of Greek philosophy upon Christian thought. His aims
and aspirations were very similar to those of the great
Gnostic leaders ; but he had vastly more understanding
for historical Christianity, and he rejected earnestly all
the most dangerous of the Gnostic views. His work has
been pronounced "epoch-making" (Harnack). He un-
dertook the great task of preparing an introduction to or
an initiation into that which is inmost and highest in
Christianity.

b. Writings of Clement The principal writings of
Clement that have been preserved are: The ''Logos
Protrepiikos/' or "Address to the Greeks"; the " Paida-
gogos," or "Tutor"; the '* Stromateis,*' or "Miscella-
nies"; and the '' Hupotuposeis," or " Outlines of Scrip-
ture Interpretation."

The conception and the execution of this series of works has been
declared by Overbeck to be " the boldest literary undertaking in the
history of the church." He was the first to attempt " to represent
Christianity in the forms of the profane worid-literature for the
Christian community itself." "The design of Clement is nothing
less than an introduction to Christianity, or to speak more correctly
and more in accordance with the spirit of the work, an initiation

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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 275

into Christianity. For . . . tlie taslc that Clement sets for himself
is the introduction (of his readers) into that which is inmost an(}
highest in Christianity itself. He aims» so to spealc, with a woric
of literature to transform Christians into perfect Christians, with
such a worl< to repeat for the Christian wliat the life has already
otherwise accomplished for him, but to raise him up to something
still higher than the forms of Initiation that the churcn has provide
itself with have disclosed. To this end, • . he translates the ideal
career of a Christian of that time into the form of a boolc and re-
quires this Christian to repeat the wandering in order henceforth to
lead him to the highest aims thereof." ^

*^ The gospel in nis view is not a fresh departure, but the meeting-
point of two converging lines of progress, Hellenism and Judaism.
To him ail history is one because all truth is one. * There is one
river of Truth,' he says, ' but many streams fall into it on this
side and on that.' Among Christian writers none till very recent
times, not even Orieen, has so clear and grand a conception of the
development of spiritual life." •

Clement regarded star-worship as a divinely given stepping-stone
to a purer religion.' He compared truth to the body ot Pentheus,
torn to pieces by fanatics, each of whom imagines hfs fragment the
whole.*

(a) The ** Address to the Greeks *' is probably the ear-
liest of Clement's writings, and may have been com-
posed about 190. The aim of the address is to prove to
those conversant with Greek philosophy the infinite su-
periority of Christianity, in its adaptability to all human
needs, in its purity, spirituality, clearness, and substan-
tiality. The address abounds in eloquent passages. See
especially his description of the mission of the Word
and the true destiny of man (Chap. 11).

(Jb) The '* Pedagogue.'* The aim of the "Address" was
to win heathen to the acceptance of the gospel ; the de-
sign of the " Pedagogue " was to convey elementary in-
struction to the young and to those that had just ac-
cepted Christianity. It is, therefore, an eminently prac-
tical work.

Book I. contains a description of our Pedagogue, Christ, his char-
acter, his method of dealing with his children. The Pedagogue is
practical, not theoretical; his aim is to improve the soul, not to
teach ; and to train up to a virtuous, not to an intellectual life.
Clement's theory is, that those coming to Christ from paganism
need first to be cured of their corrupt habits and thoughts before

' StromaMs.

>See Herxog-Hauck. third edition. BJ. IV., Stit 156. uq.

* Bi». " The Chr. Platonlsts of Alex.." p. 47. Mf.
romattis,^ Bk. VI.. Chap. 14. *IM., Bk. I.. Chap. x}.

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276 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.n.

special instruction in the doctrines of Christianihr can profit them.
The mercy and purity of Christ are emphaslzedi and neld up for
imitation.

Boolcs 11. and 111. consist of practical instructions as to eating,
drinking, expensive vessels and furniture, behavior at feasts,
laughter, filthy speaking, relations of the sexes, sleep, the procrea-
tion of children, clothes, ornaments, etc. The utmost simplicity and
moderation in all things are insisted upon.

Book III. is exceedingly important for the light it throws upon the
church life of the time, and the nature of the instruction required by
the converts and given to them by Christian teachers.

(c) The ^^Miscellanies.** This work consists of a
conglomeration of extracts from pagan and Christian
writers, interspersed with original comments and occa-
sional prolonged discussions. The object of the whole
is to awaken the interest and to exercise the ingenuity
of the readers, and to show the infinite superiority of
the Christian religion and philosophy to the pagan.

Book I. Doints out the office and origin of Greek philosophy in re-
lation to Christianity and Judaism. It is claimed that me Greek
philosophers borrowed directly from the Old Testament.

Book II. shows the superiority of biblical morality to that of
heathen philosophy. Faith and repentance are discussed at length.
Likeness to God is declared to be the ideal which Christians are to
set before them.

Book III. contains a prolonged discussion of the doctrine of mar
riage ; the licentious views of pagans and some Gnostics are stated
nd refuted. On the other hand, abstinence from marriage, on the
ground of the evil nature of matter, is condemned. The standard
biblical passages are thoroughly discussed in answer to erroneous
interpretations of heretics.

Book IV. begins with a statement of Clement's plan for the de-
fense of Christianity. He then describes the true "Gnostic" or
Christian philosopher. Self-sacrifice that does not shrink from mar*
tyrdom, love, endurance, are among his traits. Although martyr-
dom is extolled, fanatical seeking for martyrdom is shaiply re-
proved, and the views of certain Gnostics with regard to martyrdom
are refuted. The perfect man does good neither ror glory nor repu-
tation, nor for reward either from men or God ; but so as to pass
life after the image and likeness of the Lord. He does good because
he Judges it right to do good.

Book V. discusses faith, hope, and enigmatic teaching. The
mysteries of Pythagoreans, Egyptians, etc., are compared with
those of the Bible ; and the principle of symbolic teaching is vindi-
cated. Here, also, he attempts to prove that the Greeks have bor-
rowed from the Bible by citing numerous examples of supposed
coincidence.

Book VI. continues the Object of plagiarism on the part of the

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CHAP. IIL] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 277

Greeks. He declares the Greeks to have some knowledge of God.
He asserts that the gospel was preached in hades both by Christ
and his apostles to those of the Hebrews and Greeks wno were
righteous according to the law and philosophy. Here, again, the
Christian philosopher is described at great length. The delineation
is continued through Book VII. This is the most important of the
writings of Clement, and was designed for those who had already
adopted Christianity, and had received the preliminary training pre-
scribed in the " Pedagogue."

(d) The ''Outlines.** Only fragments of this are pre-
served. It consisted of a commentary on large parts. of
the Old and New Testaments, written partly in refuta-
tion of false interpretations by heretics.

(e) The small treatise entitled " IVho is the Rich Man
that is Saved?'* is an eloquent appeal for the right use
of wealth.

c. Theology of Clement, (a) God the Father is the
"remoter Cause (i. e., than the Son), the Father of all
things, the oldest and most beneficent of all, yet not
representable by voice, but in reverence and silence
with holy astonishment is to be venerated and adored in
the most lordly manner.'* We see here the well-known
Alexandrian (Platonic) tendency to exalt the Supreme
Being above all relations to the world.^

(b) The Son is called the timeless and unoriginated
Principle of existence, from whence we are to learn the
remoter Cause.*

Again, having declared the pious man to be the best
thing on earth, and an angel the best thing in heaven,
he adds: "But most perfect and most holy, and most
lordly and most princely, and most royal and most
beneficent is the nature of the Son, which is nearest
to the only Omnipotent One. This is the greatest ex-
cellence, which orders all things according to the will of
the Father, and steers everything in the best way, . .
for the Son of God is never displaced from his watch-
tower, not being divided, not being severed, not passing
from place to place, being always everywhere and con-
tained nowhere ; wholly mind, wholly paternal light,
wholly eye, seeing all things, knowing all things; by
power examining the powers.'"

1 " SfnMMteix/' Bic Vn.. Chap. z. * tbU, * /Ma*., Chap, s.

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278 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.

This Being is further declared to be the same that
Christians call Saviour and Lord. Inasmuch as the
whole universe is under his government, he is Lord of
the Greeks and barbarians. He it was who gave to the
Greeks their philosophy. He cares continually for
every human being.

The Son is declared to be the '* power of God, as being
the Father's most ancient Word, before the production
of all things, and his Wisdom." He is declared **to
have invested himself with flesh, and to have come for
the salvation of men."*

Clement's representations of the Logos are various,
some of them obscure ; but we may safely say that he
insisted upon the eternal existence of the Son as the
Wisdom of God, and as God's instrument in the creation
and the governing of the universe. We have here, in a
less developed form, the "eternally begotten" Logos
of Origen. This Logos, according to Clement, was of
the very essence of the Father.

(c) ihe Holy Spirit. Clement has no clear statement
on this subject, i. e., no statement which enables us to
see whether he distinguished the work of the Holy Spirit
from the work of the Logos in Providence, in the human
conscience, etc. He writes: "There is one Father of
the universe ; there is also one Word of the universe ;
and one Holy Spirit, who is everywhere."'

(d) Anthropology. Clement held most decidedly to
the freedom of man's will ; to the power of every
man, through the incarnation and death of Christ, to
overcome sensuality and to attain unto salvation.

He regarded man's original state as infantile and free.
The account of the temptation he regarded as an alle-
gory, meaning that man was overcome by sensuality.
As a result of this, mankind has ever since had to con-
tend against sensuality. Christ came to deliver man
from the power of sin and death.*

Physical death he regarded as a natural necessity of
the Divine economy following upon generation.* Re-
garding Christ's activity in human history as constant

1 "Strpmattis," Bk. VII.. Chap. a.

* See Bunsen's scheme of the conplez representations of the Godhead by Cl«BUi%
in *' HIppolytus and his Age." Vol. I., p. 844.
» •• Protrept,," BIc. XI. * " SiromMitts, " Bk. HI.. Chap. o.

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 279

from the beginning, Clement supposed that Christ came
in the flesh to show men the sufficiency of their powers
for obeying God's commandments, by himself living in
the flesh a life free from sin, thus overcoming sin and de-
stroying the power of death. This he did as an example
for men.*

To the Gnostic dilemma : '* Man was created either perfect or imper-
fect; if imperfect, how is the work of a perfect God— especially
man— Imperfect? If perfect, how does he transgress the command-
ments?'' Clement replies, that man was not made *' perfectly
equipped, but fitted for attaining to virtue ^ for it Is Important cer-
tainly for virtue, to be fitted for the possession of it. But he wishes
us of ourselves to be saved. . . All, Indeed, are fitted by nature for
the acquiring of virtue ; but one more, another less, advances in
discipline and training. Wherefore, also, some have attained even
unto perfect virtue ; others have arrived at some ; but others, again,
through negligence, even if they were otherwise well-disposed, have
been turned into the opposite." ^

d. Ideal of Christian Life. In his delineations of the
Christian philosopher, we see Clement's ideal. It is
that of a man who by self-discipline and study has over-
come all of his evil propensities, so that he is superior to
all selfish motives, even the expectation of heavenly re-
ward. He has risen to a state of exalted contemplation,
so that he understands the methods of God's providen-
tial dealing, and the meaning of God's written word.
Clement's system wt.s, therefore, aristocratical. His
gradation was: Christ, angels, Christian philosophers,
the great bulk of Christians who never attain to perfec-
tion. Though it was far from Clement's intention, his
views very naturally ministered to sacerdotalism.

Thus we see that Clement of Alexandria and his contemporary,
Tertullian of Carthage, were antipodes in theological thought. The
one had sympathies as broad as humanity ; the other confined the
saving efficacy of Christ to a particular type of Christian life, re-
garding not only all pagans, but all Christians, who did not con-
form to his narrow system, as reprobated. The one looked upon
humanity and human life as inherently noble, and as capable of be-
ing raisai by proper discipline to a state of perfection ; the other. In
constant expectation of the end of the world, regarded the present
life as of no account except as a time of preparation for a future life ;
and he regarded that preparation as involving a constant crucifixion

1 " Sinrntagis," Bk. VII., Chap. s. • fHJ., Bk. VI., Chap. 19.

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28o A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL

of the flesh. Clement believed In rational instruction as a means of
attaining to exaltation of character ; Tertullian enjoined an irrational
asceticism.

Clement went to an extreme in his humanitarianism, and was the
forerunner of Pelagianism. Tertullian went to the opposite extreme,
and was the forerunner of Monasticism, with its utter repudiation
of human nature.

(a) Oiigm.

LITERATURE: Various editions of the complete works of
Origen, of which the most convenient is that of Lommatzsch» in
twenty-five volumes, 8vo ; Eusebius, '* Hist. Ecc.,** Bk. VI., Chap.
i-^; Gregorius Thaumaturgus, ^^Oratio Tamgyrica m Orig.''^ and
Pamphiius, '' Atol, Ortg?' (Eng. tr. in "Ante-Nicene Fathers");
..^. K.. .« ., ;^der,V(* '

Vol, II., p. 78J, sea, ; Moelier, p. 209, s$q, ; Bigg, '* The Chr. Platon-
ists of Alex.,'*^; HeccnBcky^^Do^mmgesck.,^^ Bd. L, SiH, $11, sgq.;
Domer, " Person of Christ," Div. I^ Vol. II., p. 104, sgq, ; Bunsen,
" HIppolytus," Vol. I., p. 279, s$q. ; Thomasius, " Origmn " : Rede-

Snnmg, '' Origmes^^ (the best work on the life and teachings of
riffen); Ritter, ''Gisch. dtr Chr. Pkihs'' B^. I., S«i. 465, «g.;
works of Neander, Baur, Hagenbach, Shedd, Loofs, Seeberg,Pisher,
and Sheldon, on the history of doctrine ; encyc. articles, esp. West-
cott, in " Diet, of Chr. Bici."

a. Sketch. Origen was born c. 185, of Christian
parents, and from his childhood was favored with excel-
lent religious training. While yet a child he could re-
peat from memory large parts of the Scriptures, and he
often perplexed his intelligent father by the subtlety of
his questions. His father, Leonides, suffered martyrdom
about 202, Origen exhorting him to steadfastness, and
being restrained with the utmost difficulty from offering
himself up for martyrdom. From childhood throughout
life he practised a rigorous asceticism ; he possessed but
one coat, and no shoes ; rarely ate flesh, never drank
wine ; devoted much of the night to study and prayer,
and slept on the bare floor.

After the departure of Clement he was appointed
catechist in his place (203). His knowledge of Scripture
and other literature was already considerable ; but now
he resolved to master the systems of the leading hereti-
cal bodies in order that he might successfully combat
them. The Neo-Platonic philosophy was just coming

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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 281

into prominence under the leadership of Ammonius Sac*
cas. Origen studied the system carefully under its great
representative. His reputation was soon widespread.
Heathen and Gnostics in large numbers attended his
lectures, and many were converted. Ambrosius, a
wealthy Gnostic, was converted, and spent a large sum
of money in purchasing an extensive library for Origen,
and in racilitating the publication of his works. Julia
Mammaea, mother of Alexander Severus, invited him to
Antioch to expound to her the Christian religion. An
Arabian prince secured a visit from him with like in-
tent.

With a view to attaining a better understanding of the
Old Testament, he mastered the Hebrew language un-
der the most discouraging circumstances. He traveled,
from time to time, to Rome, to Arabia, to Palestine, and
to Greece.

While in Palestine, in 228, he was ordained a presby-
ter by Alexander of Jerusalem and Theoctistus of Caesa-
rea. This proceeding aroused the resentment of Deme-
trius, bishop of Alexandria. At two councils, called by
Demetrius in 231 and 232, Origen was condemned for
false doctrine, self-mutilation (committed in his youth in
supposed obedience to the Saviour's injunction. Matt.
19 : 12, such mutilation, according to the most ancient
ecclesiastical law, incapacitating one for ordination), and
violation of church laws, and was deposed from his
office. His study of philosophy and Gnosticism had not
left him the simple believer it found him. With im-
mensely more learning and logical consistency than
Clement, Origen probably indulged in even wilder
speculations than he.

He was the most learned man and one of the pro-
foundest thinkers in the ancient church (Jerome was
more learned in Hebrew), and probably exerted more in-
fluence on the doctrinal development of the church than
any other man. He became involved in controversy
during his lifetime, and after his death a series of contro-
versies based upon his teachings set in that lasted for
centuries.

The remainder of his life, after his departure from Al-
exandria, was spent chiefly in Palestine, where he died

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282 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a

about 254, partly as a result of imprisonment and tor-
ture during the Decian persecution,

b. Writings of Origen. Origen was one of the most
voluminous of writers. Jerome says that he wrote
more than other men can read. Epiphanius estimates
the whole number of his writings at about six thousand.
Many have perished ; others are preserved only in frag-
ments ; most that we have are in indifferent Latin trans-
lations.

(a) Critical, Exegetical, and Edificatory Works on the
Bible. Origen was the first to study the Bible scientifi-
cally and critically. Clement's exegetical performances,
so far as we can judge from the extant fragments, were
insignificant in comparison. There is no writer of the
early church to whom biblical criticism is so much in-
debted. Jerome would have been impossible without
Origen. These biblical works are of three kinds :

Works on the Text — the Hexapla and Tetrapla — (the
former an Old Testament Polyglot, with Hebrew, Hebrew
in Greek letters, LXX., and three other Greek versions
in parallel columns — the design being the restoration of
the LXX. to purity ; the latter containing only the four
Greek versions). Only fragments of these have been
preserved, but they are of exceeding value.

Commentaries, extending over almost the entire Bible.
These, though they contain much that is fantastic, are
full of information and highly suggestive.

Homilies, or familiar expository discourses, on large
portions of the Bible.

(Jb) Apologetical. One of the maturest of Origen's
works, and the one that throws most light on the rela-
tion of Christianity to paganism in Origen's time, is the
work, ** Contra Celsum.'* Celsus, a Platonist (or Epicu-
rean), had written a most scurrilous work against Chris-
tianity, probably during the reign of Marcus Aurelius.
This appears to have been still employed by the pagans
as an armory against Christianity in the time of Origen,
Origen's refutation of pagan charges against Christianity
is the ablest work of the kind that the early church pro-
duced.

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 283

of Christian doctrine. It was written some time before
Origen's departure from Alexandria, and contains more
of crude speculation than any other of his works. We
possess this work only in the professedly unfaithful
translation of Rufinus (Rufinus having omitted many of
the more offensive expressions). It was published with-
out his permission through the zeal of his patron Am-
brosius. Here we find the fundamental Christian doc-
trines concerning God, the Father, Son, and Spirit,
Free-will, Immortality, Eternity, Eternal Life, etc.,
speculatively discussed.

(d) Practical Works. Of these, the most important
that have been preserved are, the treatise on Prayer,
and that on Martyrdom. These show a man of great
piety and Christian zeal. The work on Martyrdom
was addressed to his friend Ambrosius in time of perse-
cution, and is somewhat extravagant in its exaltation of
martyrdom.

c. Theology of Origen. Origin distinguished carefully
between those points of doctrine on which the Scriptures
contain explicit statements, and those questions which,
though not answered by Scripture, yet obtrude them-
selves upon the Christian thinker's mind. The latter
class of questions must be answered, as far as possible,
in conformity with the Scriptures ; but still much ground
is left for speculation. He believed strongly in allowing
to every man the utmost freedom in considering such
matters.

In his great dogmatic work, "D^ Principiis,*' accord-
ingly, he sets out with a concise statement of the rule of
faith of the universal church. There is nothing espe-
cially remarkable about this rule of faith ; but having
laid down this as a basis, he proceeds to the considera-
tion of other questions not clearly answered by Scrip-
ture and ecclesiastical tradition.

(a) Concerning God. Origen first refutes materialistic
views based upon expressions like : *' Our God is a con-
suming fire," etc. ; and proves that God is a Spirit,
chiefly from New Testament passages. God is not only
a Spirit, but is incomprehensible and inestimable.^ His

> " D* Principiis,*' Bk. I., Chap. i.

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284 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.

idea of God, therefore, is that of pure, absolute Being
(Platonic, seen also in Justin and Clement). He is know-
able only through his works, and especially thiough his
Son. As God was from eternity Father and Lord, the
generation of the Son and the creation of the world are
eternal processes. Origen could not think of the Abso-
lute Being as having ever been idle.

(b) The Son. It was Origen 's doctrine of the Son,
more than any other of his doctrines, that played so im-
portant a part in later doctrinal development. Origen
held that the Son was "begotten by the Father," yet
that "there never was when he was not." The beget-
ting then is an eternal effect of the Father, yet is not to
be regarded as a projection or emanation from the being
or substance of the Father, in a way that would involve
diminution or division thereof. The Father is the origi-
nating cause of the Son, the Son of all other creatures.
The begetting of the Son is an act of God's will, and in
so far the Son is a creature. On the other hand, he is
uncreated, God of God, of the Divine nature and essence.
The Son differs from creatures in having his being imme-
diately from the primal source, and in that his divine
nature is essential, independent, and inalienable. The
Son, or the Logos, contains in himself all ideas which are
realized in the world (Platonic). He constitutes the ra-
tional element in all intelligent creatures. The activity
of the Logos in the guidance and instruction of the human
race is coeval with the race. He gave the law, inspired
the prophets, and enlightened the heathen, so far as they
have any religious or moral knowledge. The work of
the Logos is to lead all intelligent creatures, step by step,
upward to the contemplation of God. From the human
he leads up to the angelic ; from the angelic to the arch-
angelic. 10 men he appears as man ; to angels as an
angel.

(c) The Holy Spirit Origen regarded as the first and
most exalted of all beings produced by the Father through
the Son. His activity differs from that of the Logos, in
that the latter extends to all creatures, whereas the
former appears only in connection with the dispensation
of God's grace.

id) Anthropology. Origen held that in the original

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CHAP. III.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 285

world there were only spiritual existences. Many of
these spirits, having been created pure, apostatized from
God, The material world was created out of nothing, to
be the abode of fallen spirits, the object being at the same
time penal and reformatory. The account of Adam's
fall in Genesis Origen regarded as an allegorical repre-
sentation of the fate of the whole class of fallen, embodied
spirits. Origen held to the Platonic trichotomy of human
nature : the material body, dead in itself ; the soul, or
vital principle, which man has in common with beasts ;
the spirit, which he has as participating in the being of
the Logos.

By his apostasy, man's reason is darkened ; he is de-
prived of the true spiritual life ; he is under the influence
of Satan ; yet his will is free to choose good or evil.

The redemption wrought by Christ consisted in his
uniting in himself the human and the divine ; in his ex-
ample, his teachings, his miracles, his death — which re-
deemed man from the power of Satan.

Origen thus believed in the vicarious sacrifice of Christ.
Christ is a sacrifice, not merely for all men, but for fallen
angels. The merit of Christ must be appropriated by
each individual through faith. By believing in Christ
we become like him in character. Origen distinguished
gradations in Christian life: mere faith, knowledge,
wisdom.

The power to will and to do comes from God ; choice
of good rests with man ; after choice for good, all needful
assistance in the perfecting of Christian character is fur-
nished by the Holy Spirit.

(e) Baptism. Believing, as he did, that children are
born into the world polluted by sin, hence that little chil-
dren need remission of sins, and believing as he did in
the efficacy and necessity of baptism for the remission of
sins, Origen spoke approvingly of the baptism of little
children as a well-established custom of the churches.

(/) Eschatological yiews. Origen did not believe in a
resurrection of the material body ; the resurrection body,
he thought, would have the senne farm, but not the same
substance as the present. It would not be a body of
flesh and blood, but a spiritual body.

Origen had a firm belief in the final restoration of har-

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286 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.

mony in the spiritual world. The end is to be as was
the beginning. Even the damned and devils, he sup-
posed, would, after having undergone sufficient disci-
plinary punishment, be brought into voluntary subjec-
tion to Christ.

d. Method of Scripture Interpretation. Origen was
the first to redfuce the allegorical method of interpreta-
tion to a system. The allegorical interpretation of Scrip-
ture had been extensively employed by the great Jewish-
Alexandrian thinkers, Aristobulus and Philo. It had
been taken up by the Gnostics, and was practised by
most of the Christian writers of the early time. The
aim of the allegorical interpretation was to harmonize the
Scriptures, which were regarded as divinely inspired,
with the Platonic modes of thought, which had become,
as it were, part and parcel of the being of such Christians
as Origen. Had Origen been shut up to a literal inter-
pretation of the Old Testament, he would, probably, like
the Gnostics, have rejected the Old Testament and the
God of the Old Testament.

He held, therefore, in accordance with the Platonic trichotomy,
that every passage of Scripture has three senses, the literal, the
moral, and the spiritual.

To the literal (earthly, sensual, carnal, Jewish) sense, he attached
Mttle importance, save as a basis for the higher senses ; but his chief
merit as an exegete consists in the fact that he did industriously seek
to ascertain this literal sense. The literal sense is not always true.

But there underiics every passage a deeper sense (celestial, intelli-
gible, symbolical, mystical, secret), which is distinguished into the
moral and the spiritual sense.

The moral sense is that which relates to matters connected with
religious life.

The spiritual sense is that which relates to the heavenly life, the
world to come.

e. Influence of Origen on the Later Church, (a) His
method of Scripture interpretation was soon adopted
throughout the church (except the Antiochian school,
which went to the opposite extreme of adhering rigidly
to the literal meaning), and prevailed throughout the
Middle Ages. In this particular Origen's influence was
bad, and only bad. Yet his views on the literal meaning
have always been of great utility.

(b) The effect of his bold, wild speculations was two-

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CHAP. 111.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 287

fold : (i) Many were led astray by his example, while
(2) others were frightened by his boldness into a denial
of the right of freedom of thought.

We cannot say that the great doctrinal controversies of the fourth
and following centuries would not have taken place except for the
speculations of Orlgen ; but as a matter of fact they almost all cen-
tered around the points on which he had speculated most boldly. If
the formulating of Christian doctrine whlcn took place in the Nicene
and following ages was a beneficent consummation, then Origen's
merit in this direction was very great. If those tierce theological
controversies were evil and hurtful to the progress of the kingdom of
Christ, then Origen's responsibility was great.

'* Origen may well be placed side by side with Augustine as one
of the two most important and most influential theologians of the
ancient church. He is the father of ecclesiastical science in the
broadest sense of the word, and at the same time the founder of that
theology which in the fourth and fifth centuries reached its full devel-
opment and which in the sixth century definitely denied its originator,
yet without losing the impress that he had given it. Origen created
ecclesiastical dogmatics, and he laid the foundation for the science of
the sources of the Jewish and Christian religion. He proclaimed the
reconciliation of science with the Christian faith, of the highest cul-
ture with the gospei,^^ -—Hamack.

(s) Gregory Thaumaturgus.

LITERATURE: Text in "Mlgne," Vol. X., p. 983, seq. (Eng. tr.
In " Ante-Nic. Lib.," Am. ed., Vol. VI., p. 7, seq.) ; Ryssel, *'Grig,
Thaumaturgus^ sein Lebm u. s, Schrtftin,** 1881 ; articles In " Diet,
of Chr. Biog.," Herzog-Hauck, and Schaff-Herzog.

Gregory Thaumaturgus, one of the most distinguished
of Origen's disciples, was born at Neo-Caesarea in Pon-
tus (c. 210). Having been led to take an interest in
Christianity he availed himself of an opportunity to visit
Caesarea (Palestine), where Origen was laboring. He
was by this great teacher led into the light, and for eight
years sat at his feet. Returning to Neo-Caesarea
(c. 240), he found only seventeen Christians in the
whole neighborhood. By his zealous labors, continued
through thirty years, he so transformed this pagan re-
gion as to merit the title " Thaumaturgus " (wonder-
worker).

His most important extant writing is his " Panegyric '*
on Origen. It is not only one of the most eloquent dis-
courses in all the literature of the age, but it gives us a

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288 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.IL

view of the character of Origen and his methods of
teaching and of bringing his influence to bear upon
young men, that we should not otherwise have pos-
sessed.

Besides the "Panegyric," we have from Gregory a
"Declaration of Faith/' in which the relations of the
persons of the Godhead are set forth in Origenistic
fashion; a "Metaphrase of the Book of Ecclesiastes/'
which consists chiefly of moral reflections and does not,
as might have been expected of a disciple of Origen,
contain an elaborate allegorical interpretation of the
book ; and a " Canonical Epistle," giving directions for
the penance and the discipline of those who when taken
captive by heathen had eaten things sacrificed to idols.

Like many of his contemporaries Gregory shrank from
the responsibilities of the episcopal office. He was or-
dained in his absence by a neighboring bishop, whose
determination to thrust this dignity upon him he was
aware of and whom he was studiously avoiding. Early
tradition ascribed actual miracle-working to Gregory.

{4) Dumjysius of AUxandria.

LITERATURE : Text In " Mlgnc," Vol. X.. p. 1237, s$q. ( Eng. tr.
•• Ante-Nic, Lib./' Am. ed., Vol. VI.,p. 81. sio.) ; works of Hamack.
Seeberg, Loofs, Thomasius, Baur, and Fisher, on the history of
doctrine: Domer, ** Person of Christ" ; articles in " Diet, of Chr.
Biog./' Herzog-Hauck, third ed., and Schaff-Herzog.

Dionysius of Alexandria (t:. 2CX>-265) was another
distinguished pupil of Origen, and after a considerable
interval (during which Heraclas conducted the work),
succeeded him as head of the catechetical school of
Alexandria (c. 232). The reputation of the school was
well sustained by this great teacher, who after fifteen
years of service exchanged this position for the bishop-
ric of Alexandria (c. 246), succeeding Heraclas in this
position also. The fragments of his works that have
been preserved are chiefly polemical and exegetical. He
wrote against Sabellianism, and he set forth in an epistle
to Dionysius, bishop of the Roman church, his views on
the Trinity. He insisted on the absolute eternity of the
Son, regarding the generative process as an eternal one.
Yet he held that "the Son has existence not from him-

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CHAP. Ul.] LITERATURE OF FIRST THREE CENTURIES 289

self, but from the Father.'' This involves the subordi-
nation of the Son, which Dionysius did not know how to
avoid. Controversies that were to occupy much of the
energy of the Christian churches for the following cen-
turies were already disturbing the minds of thinlcing
men and the harmony of the churches.

(5) Tks Eccksiastical ConstihUwHs and Canons of ik$ j4pogtl4S.

LITERATURE: Schaff, "The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles."

f>. 127, M^., and 237. s#9. (Schaff gives full information regarding the
Iterature and the Greek text with an English translation); liar*
nack, *' Tixts u. UnUrsnch.^** Bd. II., Ssit. 22$, siq. ; Shaw, art.
"Apost Const.," in "Diet, of Chr. Antlq."; and Achelis, art.
**j4j>osiol Kirchmordnwif^" In Herzog-Hauck, third ed. In his
" Hyppolytus and His Age," Vol. II., Bunsen has attempted by a
critical process to restore from the Greek. Coptic, and Ethiopic
texts the " Church- and House-Book of the Ancient Christians,'' in
an English translation. It is highly probable that most of the ma-
terial thus selected Is Ante-Nicene.

The *' Ecclesiastical Constitutions and Canons of the
Apostles *' seems to have formed a connecting link be-
tween the *' Teaching of the Twelve Apostles " and the
''Apostolic Constitutions/' which did not reach their
present form until the latter part of the fourth or the
early part of the fifth century. That it was widely
used is evident from the fact that it has been preserved
in Greek, Ethiopic, Coptic (Memphitic and Thebaic),
and Syriac.

The document known as the " Two Ways," which
we have met in Barnabas and in the " Teaching," is
here distributed among the twelve apostles, who are sup-
posed to have come together to frame a body of moral
instructions and who each in turn gives utterance to his
thoughts. Martha and Mary also appear as speakers.
The precepts as given in the "Teaching," are consid-
erably expanded, much new material being introduced.
The first thirteen canons are parallel with the " Two
Ways."

The remaining seventeen canons give directions as to
the qualifications, the manner of choosing and setting
apart, and the duties of the various classes of church
officers. A somewhat primitive ecclesiastical condition
is still presupposed. It as many as twelve believing

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290 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. tt

men are in a given locality, they are to write to the
churches round about requesting each to send three
chosen men to examine him whom they have chosen for
a bishop, and if he is found worthy, to set him apart
for his work. The bishop thus appointed shall examine
and ordain two or three presbyters to assist in the ad-
ministration of the ordinances and discipline. Provision
is made for the appointment of readers, widows, dea-
cons, and deaconesses.

The Coptic Constitutions give detailed directions re-
specting the selection, training, baptizing, and admission
to communion, of catechumens. The utmost care is
prescribed in the reception of candidates for catechetical
training, those engaged in disreputable pursuits being
rigorously excluded. Three years is given as the nor-
mal period of training in doctrine and in life, and admis-
sion to baptism at the end of the period is conditioned
on a favorable report of the catechist as regards the can-
didate's good behavior, his zeal in Christian service, and
his progress in Christian knowledge. Baptism is pre-
ceded by exorcism, and anointing with the oil of exor-
cism. The candidate goes unclothed into the water,
makes an oral profession of his faith, is immersed three
times, makes another fuller confession, then having
gone up out of the water is anointed by the presbyter
with the oil of thanksgiving, clothed, and allowed to
enter the church. The bishop then lays his hands upon
the head of the newly baptized, invokes the gift of the
Holy Spirit, and again anoints his head. The Lord's
Supper is next administered to the new members, and
they are given, besides the bread and the wine, "milk
and honey mixed," as symbolizing the fact that they
have entered into a state of blessedness among the
saints.

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CHAPTER IV

CONDITION OF CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD

I. EXTERNAL CONDITION.

1. Extent. Christianity had by this time permeated
the entire Roman Empire, having gained adherents even
among conquered tribes. From Britain to India the name
of Christ was honored. Ail the countries bordering on
the Mediterranean Sea abounded in Christians. We are
not to infer from the fact that Constantine thought it
good policy to make Christianity the favored religion,
that Christians were already in a majority. Even in the
large cities they still constituted but a small minority,
and many rural districts were still in pagan darkness.
But Christianitv was organized, confident, and aggressive,
and to it the future evidently belonged. Paganism, on
the other hand, was without organization, without hope,
without aggressiveness.

2. Social Position. Christianity had gained a high
social position in the empire. Before the Diocletian per-
secution Christians held many high civil offices.

3. IVealth. Christians by this time probably had
their full share of worldly goods ; the churches had, in
many instances, acquired great wealth ; and this indi-
vidual and corporate wealth tended at the same time to
give them respectability in the eyes of the world, and to
facilitate the making of converts.

4. Culture. Christianity had now on its side culture
superior to that of the pagans. There was no pagan
philosopher or poet of the third century who bore com-
parison with the best Christian writers. Apart from the
great teachers and writers, whose works we have ex-
amined, there must have been a very large number of
educated Christians in each important community. The
development of a rich literature presupposes a public to
whose needs it is adapted.

5. Opponents. Yet Christianity still had many deadly

291

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292 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. a

enemies: philosophers, especially the Neo-Platonists,
who attempted to make of their philosophy a rival re-
ligion ; priests and magicians, whose worldly interests
were endangered by the growing power of Christianity ;
the Manichaeans, etc. The widely diffused Mithras
worship does not appear to have been so distinctly hos-
tile to Christianity as Neo-Platonism and Manichaeism ;
and many converts were doubtless drawn from this
quarter.

II. INTERNAL CONDITION.

I. Corrupting Ideas. That Christianity did not win for
Itself popular and imperial recognition without under-

f;oin2 momentous internal changes is admitted by all.
n life, doctrine, church order, and worship, the churches
of 313 were very different from the churches of icx).
Those who regard the apostolic churches as a standard
must look upon these changes as perversions. The fol-
lowing corrupting ideas, derived almost wholly from
paganism, may be distinguished :

(i) Meritoriousness of External Works. This led to,
a. Asceticism and fanatical seeking for martyrdom, b.
Perversion of Christian charity into indiscriminate alms-
giving, with the idea that almsgiving secured the remis-
sion of sins. c. Perversion of the ordinances Into mag-
ical mysteries whereby spiritual benefits are obtained.

(2) Fetichism, the idea of the sanctity and the spiritual
potency of water, the element of baptism, of holy places,
of the bones and other relics of saints and martyrs, of
the cross and the sign of the cross, of the sepulchre of
Christ, etc.

(3) Sacerdotalism, common to all pagan religions, and
closely connected with (i): a. The ordinances possess-
ing magical efficacy must be administered by a properly
qualified priest, b. The priest, by reason of his cere-
monial consecration, a mediator between God and man,
the channel through which alone the ordinary believer
can secure spiritual benefits, c. The following of
priestly directions more important than morality.

(4) ^tualism, an invariable accompaniment of (i)
and (3). Pompous ceremonial satisfies the desire to pro-
pitiate Deity by external performances and is at the

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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 29)

same time the ready device of priestcraft for securing
and maintaining ttie reverence of the people.

(5) The Allegorical Interpretation of Scripture ^ by virtue
of which Scripture could be used in support of any doc-
trine or practice whatsoever. Nothing so completely
destroys the authority of Scripture as a standard of faith
and practice as this method of interpretation, which had
long been in vogue among pagans and Alexandrian Jews.

These corrupting ideas had not at the close of this
period fully accomplished their work ; but their growing
influence can already be clearly seen.

2. Changes in the Ministry, At the beginning of the
period we had only two classes of church officers : pres-
byters or bishops and deacons. Now we find not only
a clear distinction established between presbyters and
bishops, but also the addition of a number of subordinate
officers, viz., sub-deacons, readers, acolytes, janitors,
and exorcists. The multiplication of officers originated
in large churches, such as those of Rome, Alexandria,
and Carthage. The number of deacons was usually
limited to seven, in accordance with the number of
brethren appointed to administer the charities under the
direction of the apostles (Acts 6), and these required
assistance in the performance of their functions.

The hierarchical spirit was active. The same tenden-
cies and circumstances that raised the bishops above the
presbyters, raised presbyters, as being entrusted with
the ordinances, far above deacons and laymen. Presby-
ters continued to be the advisers of the bishops, and
from their number bishops were usually chosen.

Deacons, as being limited in number and as holding an
office instituted by the apostles, were, in accordance with
the same hierarchical tendency, elevated in rank above
laymen. Their duties consisted chiefly in the collection
and administration of the finances of the churches under
the direction of the bishops, and in assisting the bishops
in the exercise of discipline. They attended also to the
preservation of order during religious services, and as-
sisted in the celebration of the Lord's Supper and in the
administration of baptism ; but they were not permitted
to administer either ordinance alone.

Deaconesses, apparently recognized in the New Tes-

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294 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.

lament, reappear In the churches of this period. Their
functions were prayer, and ministering to the religious
and the temporary needs of women. They were rigor-
ously excluded from service ** at the altar."

The sub-deacons were not ordained with the imposition
of hands, and their duties were chiefly to relieve the
deacons of their humbler duties. They also usually
acted as carriers of ecclesiastical correspondence.

The office of the acolyte was to light the candles in the
church, to provide wine in the pitcher for the celebration
of the Lord's Supper, etc. Such were the liturgical
services of the acolytes, but doubtless they attended to
many minor matters in the administration of the diocese.

The duties of the readers was to read the Scriptures
from the reading desk. Very few Christians had copies
of the Scriptures, and the great mass of the people were
dependent upon hearing them read at church.

Eocordsts were those supposed to be especially gifted
with the power of casting out demons. These do not
seem to have been a distinct class of officers especially
ordained for this purpose ; but the power might belong
to one occupying any ecclesiastical position, or even to
an unofficial member.

The reason for the multiplication of ecclesiastical offices was the
necessity of having responsible functionaries, and the sacerdotal
feeling which would allow laymen to perform no ecclesiastical func-
tions.

The hierarchical development at which Cyprian aimed, and which
he in a measure effected, represents the highest attainment in this
direction durine the period under consideration. In the cities the
position of bishops was one of much dignity and responsibility.
They had almost exclusive control of the church funds, including
the responsible administration of the charities. They had the super-
vision of a large number of congregations, and or the presbyters
and deacons who ministered therein. Their authority was as yet
only a moral authority, but in many cases it was very considerable.
Country bishops were mere pastors of local churches until long after
the dose of this period.

3. Synods or Councils. As early as the middle of the
second century we have evidence of the meeting to-
gether of the clergy of different communities to consider
questions affecting the interests of the churches. The
earliest meetings of this sort on record are those in Asia

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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 295

Minor, to take measures against Montanism, and those in
the East and the West to discuss the Easter question
(latter part of second century).^ As diocesan episcopacy
became developed the clergy of the diocese were called
together annually, or oftener in case of emergency.
Before the close of this period provincial synods, in
which many bishops, presbyters, and deacons partici-
pated, were becoming common. Such bodies discussed
and legislated upon questions of doctrine and discipline;
yet their decisions had only a moral authority, and the
individual communities were free to accept them or not.
"Within the limits of his own community," writes
Hatch," " a bishop has no superior but God." Cyprian,
who did so much for the development of episcopal pre-
rogative, and who laid great stress on ecclesiastical
unity, refused to be bound by the decisions of councils
of bishops. It was not until the next period, when
councils were called under the imperial authority and
when their decisions received the importance of imperial
ordinances, that these latter became obligatory upon the
churches.

4. Places of Worship and Sepulture. Until the latter part
of the second century the position of Christians was not
secure enough to allow of the erection of church build-
ings. Meetings were still held secretly in private houses.
During the third century many *' Lord^s houses " or
"churches" were erected, and considerable attention
was given, in the wealthier communities, to architecture
and to internal decoration.

The catacombs were underground burial places, some
of which may have originated in the apostolic age.
During the second and third centuries such cities of the
dead were constructed at Rome, Naples, Milan, Alex-
andria, and elsewhere. Those of Rome and Naples are
of great extent and special interest. The idea that they
were largely used for purposes of worship has been
abandoned, owing to lack of evidence of the existence
of chambers large enough to accommodate any consider-
able gathering. Burial services were no doubt conducted
with much solemnity, and Christians frequently visited

1 BoteMos. "Ch. Hist." Bk. V.. Chap. 16 and «4.
I "Tilt Organization of the parly ChrittiaQ Churches," p. iff.

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296 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. II.

the tombs of relatives and of venerated martyrs and
other saints for devotional exercises. In times of severe
p<srsecution (which were infrequent) Christians no doubt
hid themselves temporarily in. these subterranean gal-
, leries. Archaeologists are still undecided as regards the
dates of many of the mural paintings and the inscrip-
tions. Very few belong indisputably to this period.
Most of the decoration seems to belong to the latter part
of the fourth century, when the use of the catacombs
for sepulture had almost ceased. As the tombs of saints
and martyrs they were venerated and filled wijth religious
paintings and inscriptions.^

5. T^tualistic^ Development. The externalizing ten-
dency that we have so frequently observed in our study
of this period was- soon to express itself in the public
worship of the churches. Under various influenctfsr
that of paganism, with its mysterious rites, especially
those of the widely prevalent Mithras worship ; that of
Gnosticism, which itself imitated the Orphic, Eleusinian,
and Pythagoreaij mysteries ; that of being long vobliged
to Worship secretly ; and the growth of sacerdotalism,
with which ritualism always goes hand in hancf, Chris-
tianity, by the close of this period, had ceased to wor-,
ship and perform its ordinances in the free and simple
way represented in the New Testament and in the
** Apology " of Justin Martyr. ,

From the middle of the second century onward the
Lord's Prayer seems to have been generally employed
in the churches in a liturgical way. Gradually other
forms were added, and by the close of this period some-
what elaborate forms of prayer and praise, with full
directions for the solemn administration of the ordinances,
had been introduced.

There was at first no effort made at uniformity of
ritual. Each great church, in general, formed a ritual of
its own, and this was usually adopted by the churches
under its influence. Hence the number and the variety
of early liturgies. • ^

6. Christian Education. In the apostolic age, when
most of the converts were Jews or had been under the

1 See the well-known works of Rossi. Kraus. Northcote end Brownk>w, «nd Perkei;
00 the Cetecomhs. and articles in the encyclopedias.

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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 297

influence of Judaism, and hence were familiar with the
Old Testament teaching, baptism was usually adminis-
tered immediately after the profession of faith in Christ.
When most of those who applied for admission into
the churches were pagans, and had but inadequate ideas
of the true God and of the Christian religion and mo-
rality, it was natural and. right that thejr should be in-
structed in the fundamental truths of Christianity before
baptism and full reception into the churches. During
the second century the work ot teaching such applicants
for membership was, in the larger churches, entrusted
to a catechist. In the Alexandrian school the catechu-
mens were divided into classes according to their ad-
vancement. The period of catechising Frequently ex-
tended over three years, but was in many instances
much shorter. The catechumen was first instructed in
simple moral principles ; afterward he was admitted to
hear the gospel, but was dismissed before the prayer,
and especially prevented from witnessing the celebration
of the ordinances. Baptism was finally administered
with eonsiderable pomp and ceremony, and the cate-
chumen was thereby received into full fellowship.

"^ Reference has been made in an earlier chapter to the catechetical
school of Alexandria, founded by Pantenus and made illustrious
by Clement/Origen, Heraclas, and Dionysius. Antioch did not so
earljcbecome a seat of Christian learning, but from c. 270 oaward.
under Luclan, It came Into rivalry, with Alexandria as a center of
theological thought and influence. In the great christological con-
troversies of the fourth and following centuries Alexandria and An-
tioch were always antagonists, Alexandria representing a mystical
transcendentalism and promoting the allegorical interpretation of the
Scriptures; Antioch insisting on the grammatico-historical interpre-
tation of the Scriptures, and having no sympathy with mystical
mod^ of thought.

7. Christian Life. We can probably get a better view
of the state of Christian life at the beginning of the
fourth^ century, by an examination of the so<alled
*• Cangjis of the Holy Apostles," which may have taken
their present form toward the close of this period, and
of the decrees of the Councils of Elvira (306), of Aries,
Ancyra, and Neo-Csesarea (314), than in any other way.
These documents show :

(I) A great amount of worldliness among the clergy

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Provisions constantly occur against their engaging in
secular pursuits ; against their frequenting taverns and
playing at dice ; against usury ; against their removing
from place to place without sufficient reason ; against
their receiving their offices through secular influence, etc.

(2) It appears that many had come into the churches
who were still essentially pagans. Provisions against
pagan practices are common.

(3) The most prevalent and crying sin of the age
seems to have been licentiousness, it must have been
common among all classes of Christians, including bish-
ops, presbyters, deacons, and nuns. A large proportion
of the decrees of the councils of this period are directed
against some form of sexual sin.

(4) While celibacy of the clergy was not insisted upon,
a strong effort was being made to prevent those that
came into the clergy unmarried, from marrying. This
feeling was promoted : a. By the Gnostic or Manichsean
idea of the inherent evil of the sexual relations, b. By
the fact that the priesthood was coming to be looked
upon as a distinct class, and that such familiar inter-
course with ordinary mortals as the family involves was
felt to be incompatible with priestly dignity, c. The
fact that the clergy had complete control of the church
finances made it seem undesirable for them to have de-
pendfsnt families.

(5) Christianity had already received far more pagan
material than it could assimilate, and had become cor-
rupted thereby, before the Diocletian persecution. When
the churches had become predominatingly pagan ; when
pagans of wealth and influence entered the churches in
large numbers, especially when they became bishops, as
was often the case, it was perfectly natural that the
churches should be made to conform to a great extent to
pagan temples ; should be filled with images ; should in-
troduce saint-worship in the place of polytheism, etc.

(6) Yet we must beware of supposing that Christian-
ity as a whole was thus corrupt. That there were many
who abhorred the prevalent laxity of morals and who
earnestly strove for reformation, is evident from the very
existence of the documents on which we are dependent
fpr pur knowledge of the f?icts rnentioned, Moreover,

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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 299

the prevalence of laxity was the cause of much of the
extreme asceticism that appeared in the church from the
time of Tertuliian onward.

8. Multiplication of Ecclesiastical Festivals. At the be-
ginning, the Lord's Day and the Jewish Sabbath were,
so far as we know, the only days to which Christians
attached any particular sanctity.

(i) Easter may, in some sense, have been observed
in the apostolic age, i. e., the Jewish Passover continued
for a time to be observed by Jewish Christians, the chief
thought in their minds being probably the death and res-
urrection of Christ Gradually this came to be the only
thought. We have seen how from the time of Polycarp,
controversy raged with regard to the exact time of its
celebration.

The fact that vernal festivals were general among pagan peoples
no doubt had much to do with the form assumed by the Easter fes-
tival In the Christian churches. The English term '* Easter" is of
pagan origin.

(2) So also the feast of Pentecost was connected with
the Jewish feast, the Jewish element soon dropping out
of consideration, and the outpouring of the Holy Spirit
coming to be exclusively thought of.

(3) The feast of Epiphany probably originated in the
second century, and was designed as a commemoration
of the baptism of Christ, when he was manifested to
the world as the Son of God, It was celebrated on Jan-
uary 6. At a very early date the idea of the nativity
was added to that of baptism, both being commemorated
on this day. it was not until about the middle of the
fourth century that the birthday and the baptismal day
were separated, the former being placed on December
25, the date of the Roman Vrumalta at the close of the
Saturnalia (December 17-24), and of the Scandinavian
Yule. This date follows immediately the winter solstice,
and there was thought to be a peculiar appropriateness
in identifying the birthday of the Sun of Righteousness
with that of the physical sun.*

(4) In connection with these festivals, long periods of

1 (y, Coaybeare " The History of Chrittaas/' In the " Anerican Journal of Thf
ology," for January, 1899.

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300 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.U

fasting were observed by Montanists and other asceticai
Christians.

(5) Martyrs have already come to be venerated, but
there is no evidence that their festivals were definitely
established before the fourth century.

9. The Rule of Faith. We have observed, in our study
of the writings of Irenseus, Tertullian, and Origen, that
in opposition to heresy there grew up in the churches a
clear, concise confession of faith, which tended more and
more to become stereotyped into a creed. At a later
period the process was completed by attributing the fully
developed creed to the apostles. This brief statement
was early used as a baptismal confession. (See the
** rule of faith,'' in its gradual growth from the apostolic
age to the fourth century, in Schaff, " Creeds of Chris-
tendom," Vol. I!., pp. 11-55.)

10. The New Testament Canon. Until after the middle
of the second century there was no such thing as a
definite New Testament canon. The Old Testament
books, chiefly in the Septuagint version and without the
exclusion of the Apocrypha, were chiefly appealed to as
authoritative. The New Testament books were freely
used for substance of doctrine, but rarely quoted with
precision. Evidence of the use of all the New Testa-
ment books by c. 150 has been preserved. Marcion,
the Gnostic {c. 140), seems to have been the first to
form a definite New Testament canon ; but this was a
distinctly subjective and partisan selection, consisting of
one Gospel only (a modification of Luke) and ten Pauline
Epistles (including the Epistle to the Laodiceans). Ta-
tian, another Gnostic, constructed a combination Gospel
(Diatessaron), probably in the interests of his peculiar
views, though it may have been prepared before his
separation from the orthodox communion. The Mura-
torian Fragment (after 150), a document of unknown
authorship, gives a list of fully received New Testament
writings from which Hebrews, James, i and 2 Peter, and
3 John are definitely excluded, doubt being expressed
about 2 John and Jude. Irenseus {c. 175) quotes all of
the New Testament books except Philemon, 2 Peter, and
Jude, but seems to regard the ''Shepherd '' of Hermas
as also inspired. Clement of Alexandria (c. 200) uses

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CHAP. IV.] CHRISTIANITY AT CLOSE OF THE PERIOD 30I

all the canonical New Testament writings, but seems to
put the Epistle of Barnabas on a level with these.
Origen (c. 255) includes in his list all our canonical
books except James and Jude, and along with these
Hermas, Barnabas, and i Clement. The Peshito Syriac
version (c. yxS) omits 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, Jude, and
Revelation. It was not till after the close of this period
that perfect definiteness was reached ; for in Eusebius'
time {c. 32;) the canonical authority of James, Jude, 2
Peter, 2 and 3 John, and Revelation, while upheld by
many, was disputed by some.

in conflict with heresy the Christian leaders were led
to emphasize more and more the importance of apostolic
teaching as the basis of doctrine and the common bond
that unified all true Christian churches. As the au-
thoritative exponents of apostolic teaching, the apostolic
writings grew in importance. As a consciousness of
church unity and a realization of the necessity of uni-
formity in doctrine and practice grew, the importance of
agreement with reference to the body of apostolic wrjf •
xcigs that should be held as authoritative came to be pro-
foundly felt. Such writings as had been held fn sus-
picion on account of supposed peculiarities of teaching
were gradually received into favor, and attention was
given to harmonizing seeming discrepancies.

Thus we see that the formation of the New Testament
canon was the work of centuries. From the human
point of view we may say that the selection of books
that should form the canon was a product of Christian
consciousness ; from the divine point of view we may
say that this process was presided over and directed by
the Holy Spirit.*

1 Sm tb« grtftt world of Westcoll and Zaho on tht Ntw Ttstancnt canon.

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PERIOD III

FROM THE CONVERSION OF CONST ANTINP
TO THE CORONATION OF CHARLE-
MAGNE (3I2-«X))

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CHAPTER I

CHURCH AND STATE

LITERATURE: Eutropius, '"Bnviartum Hist. l{m.,'' Bk. IX..
X.; Lactantlus, *' Ds OAorU PtruaOorum" ; Euseblus, "A/. E.r
Bk. IX., X., and *"De k'ita Constantmi" (Eusebius was a thor-
ough courtier, and his praises of Constantlne are to be taken with
much allowance) ; Laws of Constantine in the codes of Theodosius
and Justinian, also arranged in Migne's '*Patrology" under the
title, '^ Optra Constantmi'*; Socrates, '* H. £.," Bk. L; Sozomen,
'*H, E,r Bk. I., IL (Several of these works are available in
English in the ** Ante-Nicene" and the*'Nicene and Post-Nicene
Libraries" of the Fathers); Neander, Vol. II., pp. 1-32, and
passim; Schaff, Vol. 11., pp. 1-37; Stanley, "Eastern Church,"
passim; Neale, "The Holy Eastern Church." passim; Newman,
^' Arians of the Fourth Century " ; Milman, '* Latin Christianity,*'

Gr,*^; Tozer, "The Church and the Eastern Empire"; Carr,
"The Church and the Roman Empire"; Gwatkin, "The Arian
Controversy " ; Zahn, " Omstantin d. Grosss u. d, Ktrchs^* ; Brieger,
" Konstantin d, Gr, als ReUgionspolitiksr " ; Neander, " Kaisir Julian u.
5. Ztitalter^^ ; Rendall, "The bmp. Julian : Paganism and Christi-
anity"; Cutts, "Constantine the Great"; Kine, "Julian the
Emperor " ; Tzschlmer, " T>, Fall d, Hnd^thums^' ; art. on the
various emperors, events, and institutions in Smith and Wace and
Herzog-Hauck.

I. CONSTANTINE AND HIS SUCCESSORS,

I . Constantine' s Motives in Adopting Christianity. Con-
stantine, like his father, was out of sympathy with the
popular religion and was interested in the worship of the
Persian sun-god Mithras, then much in vogue in the Ro-
man army. It was a combination of Neo-PIatonic with
Zoroastrian modes of thought, and was made attractive
by an elaborate and imposing ritual. When about to
lead his forces against the tyrant Maxentius at the Mil-
vian bridge near Rome he felt that the occasion was a
most critical one. Success meant ultimate headship of
the empire. Defeat would be utterly disastrous. He

u 30s

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306 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER, III.

was aware of the fact that Maxentius had exhausted all
the possibilities in the way of propitiating the popular
deities, and he could not hope to compete with him for
their support. He had been brought up to regard
Christianity with some degree of favor. He had ob-
served its aggressiveness, its rapid growth, and its
thorough organization. In his anxiety he made up his
mind to invoke the aid of the God of the Christians.
Something must be done to inspire his troops with confi-
dence. He declared that he had seen in the sky a ban-
ner in the form of a cross with the inscription *• By this
conquer.^' He had a splendid labarum made after the
pattern of what he claimed to have seen, and under this
banner his army won a glorious victory.

Constantine's subsequent life was not such as to lead us to credit
his account of the divine manifestation. He was a shrewd and un-
scrupulous politician. No life was sacred if his interests seemed to
require its destruction. He had Licinius treacherously slain after
his defeat. The murder of nearly all his relatives, including his
nephew Licinlanus and his son Crispus. seems wholly unjustifiable
and could not have been the work of a Christian. The story of the
murder of his wife Fausta has been somewhat discredited. In
general, it may be said, that while his character compares favorably
with that of pagan despots, and had many admirable and amiable
traits, he can nardly be supposed to have exercised a saving faith.

2. Constantine's Favors to Christianity. Soon after the
victory over Maxentius he had a statue of himself erected
in Rome with a cross in the right hand and the inscrip-
tion, " By virtue of this salutary sign, which is the true
symbol of 'valor, I have preserved and liberated your
city from the yoke of tyranny," etc. The Edict of
Milan (313), issued jointly by Constantine and Licinius,
proclaimed liberty of conscience and showed partiality
for Christianity. His policy at first was not to interfere
with pagan worship, but by filling the chief offices with
Christians and surrounding himself with Christian
teachers to make the condition of Christians enviable.
Pagan temples that were peculiarly offensive to Chris-
tians on account of their immoral rites, or to which pil-
grimages were made from superstitious motives, were in
some cases destroyed.

He exempted the Christian clergy from military and

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CHAP.L] CHURCH AND STATE 307

municipal duties and their property from taxation (313) ;
abolished various pagan customs and ordinances offen-
sive to Christians (31$) ; facilitated the emancipation of
Christian slaves (315); legalized bequests to Christian
churches, a very important measure (321) ; enjoined the
civil observance of Sunday, though only as the day of
the Sun, and in connection with an ordinance requiring
the consultation of the soothsayer (321); contributed
largely toward the building of Christian houses of wor-
ship ; and gave his sons a Christian education.

In 324 he Is said to have promised to every convert to Christianity
twenty pieces of gold and a white baptismal robe, and twelve thou-
sand men, with women and children m proportion, are said to have
been baptized in Rome in one year. The persistent adherence of the
Roman aristocracy to paganism was a matter of great concern to
Constantine, and he took especial pains to overcome the antipathy
of the Romans toward Christianity.

In 325 he issued a general exhortation to his subjects
to embrace Christianity.

3. Constantine^s f^iew of the Relations of Church and
State. As the Roman emperor was Pontifex Maximus
of the pagan State religion, he would naturally assume
the same relation to Christianity when it became pre^
dominant. This headship the gratitude of the Christians
heartily accorded. In all of his dealings with Christian
matters the supreme motive seems to have been that of
securing unity. About doctrinal differences he was
almost indifferent. But he dreaded dissension among
those on whom he depended for the support of his
government. .

He attempted to settle the Donatist controversy by
negotiation and arbitration, and resorted to violence only
when all other means had proved ineffective.

At great expense he convened the Nicene Council for
the adjudication of the controversy between Arius and
Alexander. His persecution of Arianism was due to his
conviction that only thus ecclesiastical unity could be
restored. He soon came under the influence of semi-
Arian bishops (Busebius, etc.), and the year before his
death he banished Athanasius, who had become bishop
of Alexandria. Constantine did not formally adopt

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508 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. in

Christianity as the religion of the State, but he virtually
gave it this position.

Though he considered himself a *' bishop of bishops/'
he did not think it prudent to accept baptism until just
before his death in 337. No doubt this delay was due to
his belief in the efficacy of baptism to wash away the
sins and crimes that had so marred his life.

When the Roman people refused to accept the new
religion, Constantine transferred his capital to Byzan-
tium and built Constantinople or New Rome. Other
reasons doubtless co-operated with his desire for a
Christian capital.

4. The Sons of Constantine. Constantlne's three sons,
Constantine IL (b. 312), Constantius If. (b. 317), and
Constans (b. 320), succeeded to the imperial dignity
with the good will of the armies. The other relatives of
Constantine, except two nephews, Julian and Callus,
were foully massacred, Constantius being chiefly re-
sponsible for the crime. The empire was so divided that
Constantine 11. ruled in the West, Constans in Italy and
Africa, and Constantius 11. in the East. Constantine
was slain in a battle with Constans near the walls of
Aquileia (340). Constans was forced to commit suicide
by one of his generals (350). This left Constantius
sole emperor. The sons of Constantine did little credit
to their Christian education and profession.

Constantius went far beyond his father in his efforts
to destroy paganism, which still determinedly held its
ground in Rome, Alexandria, and in many other parts of
the empire. In 341 a law was promulgated against pagan
superstition and sacrifice. In 346 the visiting of temples
was forbidden. In 352 and 356 the death penalty was
affixed to heathen sacrifices and to conversion to Juda-
ism. These laws could not be enforced in Rome or in
Alexandria. Constantius regarded his pagan opponents
as traitors and pagan rites as involving conspiracy.
Constantine II. and Constans favored the orthodox of
Athanasian party and restored Athanasius repeatedly to
his See. Constantius was an Arian and joined with
Athanasius' opponents in repeatedly banishing him. The
growing corruption and intolerance of Christians and the
initating and arbitrary measures of Constantius prepared

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CHAP. I.] CHURCH AND STATE 309

the way for the pagan reaction that was to follow this
reign.

5. Julian the Apostate. Julian and his elder half-
brother, Callus, nephews of Constantine the Great,
were saved, through the intercession of a bishop, from
the common massacre of relatives, the one by reason of
his tender youth, the other because of supposed mortal
sickness. Julian received a Christian education under
the direction of Bishop Eusebius of Nicomedia, and during
his residence in Cappadocia he is said to have ministered
in the churches, probably as reader. He studied classical
literature in Constantinople and in Nicomedia, where the
great rhetorician Libanius was teaching. Forbidden to
attend the lectures of this pagan master he secretly read
his writings and became deeply interested in the Neo-
Platonic philosophy, with its mysteries and its manticism.
The fact that pagan philosophy and life were forbidden
fruit no doubt whetted his appetite. He secured initia-
tion into the Eleusinian mysteries, and while remaining
outwardly a Christian was really an enthusiastic pagan

In 356 he was made a Cssar by Constantius, and soon
won renown as a general in the Gallic wars. Jealous of
his popularity Constantius sought to recall a large part
of his army. The troops refused to leave their general
and proclaimed him Augustus. He now declared his hos-
tility to Christianity and was zealous in reopening and
rehabilitating the heathen temples that had been closed
by Constantius. Constantius died in Cilicia just as
Julian was approaching Constantinople. His cause was
won without a battle.

He proceeded at once to restore the temples and their
sacrificial services and to reinstate the mystagogues and
priests in all their ancient privileges, and withdrew from
the Christian clergy the privileges and immunities that
had been conferred upon them by Constantine and his
sons. He borrowed from Christianity whatever he
thought likely to add to the attractiveness of the pagan
public services (popular preaching by purple-robed priests,
music, hymnology, etc.).' He prohibited Christians from
teaching classical literature, wishing no doubt to reduce
Christianity to a despised and illiterate sect. To dis-
credit the Christian prophecies regarding the destruction

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310 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [per. III.

of Jerusalem and to encourage the inveterate enemies of
Christianity, he attempted to restore the Jewish temple
at Jerusalem. He favored Donatists and Arians in com-
parison with Catholics.

it does not appear to have been Julian's intention to
persecute Christians; but the collisions that occurred
between the Christians and the officials in the restora-
tion to pagan purposes of property long used for Chris-
tian purposes, the rigorous enforcement of pagan practices
in the army, and the necessity of punishing deeds of out-
lawry committed, or supposed to have been committed,
by Christians, involved much hardship that could scarcely
be distinguished from persecution.

After reigning less than two years Julian was slain in
battle with the Persians. It is by no means certain that
after receiving the mortal spear-thrust he cried out:
" Galilean, thou hast conquered."

Christianity was tried, but not cast down, by this short-
lived attempt to galvanize into life moribund paganism.^

6. Theodosius the Great (378-395). The immediate suc-
cessors of Julian did little more than remove the restric-
tions that had been placed upon the progress of Christi-
anity and gradually restore to the churches the privileges
they had enjoyed under Constantine and his sons.
Gratian (375-383) refused the title of Pontifex Maximus,
prohibited the superstitious consulting of victims, abol-
ished the privileges of the vestal virgins, had the much-
prized altar of Victory removed from its place near the
Curia of the Senate, and sought in every way to break
the power of Roman paganism. These measures were
carried out under the advice of the great soldier and
statesman Theodosius, who became joint-emperor with
Gratian (378) and sole emperor (394).

Theodosius is commonly regarded as the first orthodox
emperor and the first to make orthodox Christianity the
exclusive religion of the State. He secured from the
Roman Senate an acknowledgment that the religion of
Christ was true. He prohibited sacrifices and even visits
to pagan temples, prostration before idols, the worship of
household gods, and all other idolatrous practices.

1 For Julian's own statement of his philosophical and religious views, sec his
works, ed. Hcrtlein, Leipiig. 1875-76.

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CHAP. I.] CHURCH AND STATE 31I

Theodosius died soon afterward and divine honors
were paid to him by the still pagan Romans in the usual
style. Many pagan temples were destroyed at this time
by fanatical bands of Christians, with the approval of
bishops and emperor. The desecration of the temple of
Serapis in Alexandria so infuriated the pagans of the city
that a massacre of Christians resulted. The temple was
destroyed by imperial command, and the famous idol, on
whose preservation the rising of the Nile was supposed
to depend, was smitten down. The Nile is said to have
risen higher than usual that year.

Lactantius in the time of Constantine wrote: *' Re-
ligion cannot be compelled ; nothing is so voluntary as
religion." Ambrose and Augustine now advocated the
forcible suppression of paganism and heresy. Many
bishops led their people in their violent onslaughts on
pagan sanctuaries and did not shrink even from blood-
shed in the accomplishment of their purposes. Paganism
made a desperate struggle for existence, but it did not
possess the religious enthusiasm that enabled early
Christianity to survive persecution. It had its revenge
in the almost complete paganization of the churches that
speedily followed the enforced conversion of its unwilling
adherents.

II. THE STATE CHURCH.

While it is undeniable that great evil resulted to Chris-
tianity from its adoption by the State, we must not close
our eyes to the (temporarily) beneficent results of this
adoption.

That Christianity should become predominant was, of
course, highly desirable. We may say that it ought to
have spread its influence by purely spiritual means, until
its teachings should have pervaded society in all its ele-
ments ; that the State ought to have become Christian,
but that it ought to have manifested its Christianity
simply by putting into practice the spirit of Christianity.
But while such is our ideal, we could scarcely expect the
Christians of the fourth century to foresee what we, with
the experience of more than fifteen hundred years of the
effects of State patronage and control of religion, are just
beginning to see,

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312 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. in

I. Beneficent Results of the Adoption of Christianity as the
State Religion.

(1) An immensely larger number of peoplje was thus
brought somewhat under the influence of Christianity
than would otherwise have been possible. That men
were induced to abandon idolatry and attach themselves
even outwardly to Christianity was, in a sense, a gain.

(2) Christianity had a much more direct and powerful
effect upon the legislation of the Roman empire than
would otherwise have been possible. The most funda-
mental thing in the Roman political system was the all-
importance of the State and consequent indifference to
the rights of the individual. Christianity gave to legis-
lation a high sense of the value of human life ; of the
rights of all human beings, slaves, foreigners, and bar-
barians included. We have ample proof of the benefi-
cent effect of Christianity on Roman legislation in the
Theodosian Code (424-438), which contains the legisla-
tion of Constantine and his successors ; and in the Jus-
tinian Code, which contains the legislation from Hadrian
to Justinian (527).

The position of women was greatly elevated. Con-
stantine gave to women the right to control their own
property. Marriage was made free by the abolition of
the old penalties against celibacy and childlessness.
Marriage of near relations was restricted; divorce was
rendered difficult.

Concubinage was forbidden, and adultery was punished
as one of the greatest of crimes. The absolute power of
parents over children, extending to freedom and life, was
abolished, and child murder was rendered criminal.

While slavery was still allowed, its evils were less-
ened, and the manumission of slaves was encouraged.

Gladiatorial shows, against which Christians had
striven from the beginning of the second century, were
gradually and partially abolished.

(3) Christianity exerted a beneficent effect on mo-
rality. This is involved in its influence on legislation.
The tone of morals could, of course, be raised only very
gradually; but undoubtedly the change soon became
perceptible.

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CHAP.l.] CHURCH AND STATE 313

2. Evils that Christianity Sufikred in Consequence of the

Union.

The points in which Constantine and his followers
favored Christianity may also be regarded as involving
evils. When he put restrictions on idolatry, he fosteced
a spirit of intolerance in Christians, and led them to trust
in physical power rather than in the power of the truth.
When he enjoined the universal observance of Sunday,
it ceased to be a spiritual, and became a legal festival.
When he legalized Christian corporations, — a thing right
in itself, — ^he presented a great temptation to Christian
bishops to devote themselves largely to the enrichment
of the churches, which they frequently accomplished by
the most unfair means. When he offered temporal in-
ducements to the profession of Christianity, he not only
brought multitudes of unregenerate people into the
churches, but he also aided in making it a part of public
opinion to regard the profession of Christianity as a mere
form, and to attach a magical significance to the ordinances.
His efforts for church unity greatly interfered with free-
dom of thought, and fostered the spirit of intolerance in
the favored party. The favors that he bestowed upon
the bishops increased their pride and worldliness, and
caused an unchristian striving for important bishoprics.

We may particularize as follows :

(i) Christianity was secularized. The doors of the
church were thrown open so wide, that the distinction
between Christianity and the world was obliterated.

Christian churches assumed the magnificence of
heathen temples. In imitating the pomp. Christians
were sure to imitate the practices of heathenism, espe-
cially as the most influential Christians were now men
that had been brought up pagans, and had adopted
Christianity chiefly because it was the fashion.

Many Christian preachers rebuked this worldliness
most vehemently ; but the example of the imperial court
was more influential with the rank and file.

(2) As pagans had been accustomed to worship a host
of gods and goddesses, they felt the need, after becom-
ing Christians, of numerous objects of adoration. The
most honored characters of the early apostolic and suc-

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314 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER in

ceeding times were, of course, selected, such as Mary,
the mother of Christ, the apostles, and other martyrs.

(3) As pagans had been accustomed to worship their
gods under the form of images, the new converts natu-
rally required images of the saints, and the churches
were soon filled with these objects. That pagans so
readily gave up their religion and embraced Christianity
can be accounted for only by the fact that Christianity
adapted itself so entirely to their ideas as to make the
change little more than nominal.

(4) Hierarchical development was stimulated. Bishops,
who had already in great measure gained supremacy
over presbyters, became more uniformly and entirely
supreme after the union.

The ecclesiastical hierarchy was made a counterpart
of the civil government. Constantine divided the
empire into four praetorian prefectures — ^two in the East
and two in the West.

The East, with Antioch as its capital, embraced five
dioceses : Syria ; Egypt (capital Alexandria) ; Pontus
(capital Caesarea) ; Asia (capital Ephesus) ; Thrace,
Haemiontis, Moesia, and Scythia (capital Constantinople).

The lllyrian prefecture comprised Macedonia and
Dacia. The Italian prefecture was divided into two
vicariates: Rome (embracing Southern Italy and the
Mediterranean islands) ; the Italian vicariate (Lombardy,
and territory south of the Danube, capital Milan). To
this was added Western Africa (capital Carthage) and
Western Illyricum.

The fourth prefecture was Gaul (France, Spain, and
Britain).

As bishops of the capitals of the provinces had for
some time exercised a moral influence superior to that of
bishops of less important cities, they were now endued
by a decree of the Council of Nicaea, enforced by impe-
rial power, with authority over all the bishops of their
respective provinces. The bishops highest in authority
were those of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, Ephesus, and
Jerusalem. These bishoprics magnified their natural
importance by their tradition of apostolic foundation, and
were afterward distinguished (along with that of Con-
stantinople) as patriarchates.

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CHAP.L] CHURCH AND STATE 315

As Rome was the chief city of the West, and the seat
of government for the entire West, the Council of Nicaea
gave to the bishop of Rome authority over all bishops in
the West (including Western Africa, Italy, Gaul, Spain,
Britain, etc.) ; and this authority being so much more
extensive than that of the other patriarchates, naturally
tended to encourage the Roman bishops to the assertion
of absolute supremacy over all the churches. Yet, when
Constantinople became the seat of the Empire, the patri-
archate of Constantinople became a rival to the Roman,
although it had no apostolic origin to boast.

(5) The church became a persecuting power, making
use of the civil authority for the suppression of dissent
and paganism. There had been bigotry and intolerance
enough before, but they had expressed themselves only
morally. Now they exhibited their true character. It
will not seem so strange to us that this secularized Chris-
tianity should have persecuted, if we consider the fol-
lowing facts :

a. The Old Testament, with the majority of Christians,
was of equal authority with the New Testament, and
was looked upon as containing a model of church polity.
Now the Old Testament abounds in narrations in which
the persecuting zeal of rulers is represented as highly
pleasing to God. Special praise is accorded to those who
slaughtered multitudes of heathen, and destroyed their
places and objects of worship. Christian rulers felt that
they were glorifying themselves and God in emulating
such examples ; and Christian preachers felt that they
were filling the place of Old Testament prophets when
they incited the rulers to the violent extermination of
paganism and heresy.

b. By this time it had come to be pretty generally
believed that out of the church there is no salvation.
The idea of the church was limited to those who adhered
to apostolic unity as represented by the dominant party.
By persecution some would be brought back into the
church (whether honestly or not, was a minor con-
sideration). If some were slain, they were only made
to meet their inevitable fate a little sooner. It was a
question of saving some, or letting all go together to
perdition. Moreover, by the slaying of the incorrigible,

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3l6 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PSR.in

Others would be saved from their corrupting influence,
and still others would be deterred through fear of a
like fate. Our Lord's injunction, ** Compel them to
come in." was interpreted literally, and regarded as a
sanction for the employment of force, even by Augustine.

c. Alongside of these more honest grounds for perse-
cution must be placed personal considerations. Those
who were particularly annoyed by the presence of here-
tics or pagans, were greatly tempted to seek their ex-
termination.

d. Add to these the political need of the unity of
religious belief and practice, so strongly felt by the
rulers of a great empire, and the encouragement these
gave to Christian intolerance, and persecution by Chris-
tians appears as a matter of course. The church has
persecuted Christians far more cruelly, and has de-
stroyed vastly more Christians than pagans have done.
The Diocletian persecution is as nothing when compared
with the work of the '* Holy Office."

(6) Reaction against worldliness, resulting in the ex-
cesses of asceticism. Monasticism is not peculiar to
Christianity, but seems naturally to occur under favor-
able circumstances in connection with almost any system
of religion. It existed in the most exaggerated forms
among Brahmins and Buddhists long before the Christian
era. The Essenes and the Therapeutae, at and before
the time of Christ, were ascetics. It is probable that
Christian asceticism was historically connected with the
Oriental theosophy, though not very directly or con-
sciously derived from it.

So long as Christianity was persecuted. Christians
of an ascetic turn of mind usually found opportunity
enough for self-denial in enduring hardships for the faith.
We see the ascetic spirit manifested in Montanists, Nova-
tians, and Donatists, and in the multitudes that were
always ready to deliver themselves to death. In Gnosti-
cism and Manichaeism it had a thoroughly perverse de-
velopment.

From the true Christian idea that the flesh must be
crucified and the lusts thereof, that those who would
come after Christ must deny themselves, etc.. Christians
soon came to look upon suffering in connection with re-

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CHAP. I.] CHURCH AND STATE 317

ligion as meritorious in itself, and were willing to endure
the greatest physical agonies for the peace of conscience
thence derivable. The New Testament opposition be-
tween spirit and flesh, was laid hold of and perverted.

Now this ascetic spirit continued to exist in many after
persecution had ceased. Nay, it was intensified by the
increase of worldliness in the Christian churches. Such
spirits came to feel that it was impossible to live a truly
Christian life in the worldly churches. How was the
ascetic spirit, the desire for self-sacrifice, to find vent ?
The ascetics withdrew from society and retired into
waste places, where they spent their time in fasting
and prayer, and in making the spirit triumph over the
flesh. The greater the rigor of their self-discipline, the
greater the merit ; so endless means of self-torture were
devised, which amounted, in many instances, to suicide.
Insanity, in various degrees, almost always resulted from
such austerities. (This refers to the earlier stages of
hermit life.) We may distinguish four stages in the de-
velopment of Monasticism :

a. The asceticism that prevailed in the churches them-
selves, varying in its austerity.

b. Hermit life or Anchoretism. This form of asceti-
cism may have arisen about the middle of the third cen-
tury, but it became common only after the union of
Church and State. Jerome's romantic account of Paul
of Thebes, and Antony of Alexandria, are mainly fabu-
lous, as is also much in the life of Antony attributed to
Athanasius. But these and like narratives may have
had a basis of fact, and they exhibit in concrete form the
ideals that prevailed in the latter half of the fourth cen-
tury. The following sketch of Antony, without the
fables, may be in the main correct :

Born about 2$i, he became in early manhood an enthusiastic
ascetic, sold his large estate, and gave the proceeds to the poor,
committing his sister, whose guardian he was, to a body of virgins.
He strove to detach himself from the world, and to eradicate all
human sensibilities and desires. His efforts to banish evil thoughts
secm«d only to Intensify them. In order to make his separation
from the world more complete, he removed some miles from his
native vlllaM, and occupied a cleft in a rock. His imagination was
rendered so fervid ^y jifs austerities, that he supposed himself to be
assaulted by the powers of darkness.

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3l8 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.m.

He then resorted to a still more secluded place, where he remained
twenty years. But his fame had now spread, so that large num-
bers came to him for spiritual guidance, many adopting the same
mode of life. He desired to escapee from men, and sought a stili
more retired place ; but he was still pursued, being reputed to pos^
sess superhuman sanctity and the power of worlcing miracles.

Only on the rarest occasions did he visit Alexandria, as in 311, in
the time of the Diocletian persecution, for the purpose of encourag-
ing the Christians, and in ^$2 to counteract the spread of Arianism.

Antony's food was bread and salt, never tasted until after sunset
He often fasted entirely for two or three days. He watched and
prayed all night, sleeping only a little time on the ground. He
rejected the practice of bathing, and Is said never to have seen him-
self nude. Many of his followers far surpassed Antony in self-
mortification.

From Egypt hermit life spread into Syria and other
parts of the empire.

c. Coenobitic or cloister life. This too originated in
Egypt, probably from the example of the Essenes and
Therapeutae. The hermits had become numerous.
Here, as always, extensiveness decreased intensity.
The feeling arose that the true interests of ascetics
would be better subserved by association with kindred
spirits. Moreover, there was a tendency for large num-
bers of younger hermits to flocl< to those who had at-
tained to great celebrity for instruction. Such was true
even in the case of Antony, and he himself was said to
have encouraged the association of ascetics.

The anchoretic life was not at all adapted to females.
Even in the time of Tertullian ** virgins*' had begun to
live together at the expense of the churches.

The association of monks was at first informal. When
the number became great it was necessary to adopt rules
for the government of the society and to fix terms for
admission.

The first rules of importance were those of Pachomius.
Near the beginning of the fourth century Pachomius, a
young soldier, obtained release from military service and
attached himself to an old hermit, with whom he lived
twelve years. He was not satisfied with a life of idle
devotion, but felt a strong impulse to do good to his
brethren. Accordingly he organized a society of monks
on an island in the Nile, which during his lifetime reached
a membership of three thousand. The entire body of

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CHAP. I.] CHURCH AND STATE 319

monks was divided into twenty-four classes, according
to the letters of the alphabet. The gradations were
those of spiritual advancement. Over each class was a
presiding officer, Pachomius himself being the abbot or
father of all. They supported themselves by various
kinds of labor : agriculture, ship-building, tanning, basket
making, etc. No one had anything of his own, but all
earnings went to the common treasury, from which all
were supported. Particular duties were assigned to
each by his superior, and special hours of devotion were
appointed for all.

This form of ascetic life became popular. Multitudes
of all classes of society flocked to the cloisters. Many
monks, losing their first enthusiasm, were tormented in
spirit and became insane. Many became vicious. Many
entered the monasteries to escape military service and
other hardships, which the declining empire put upon its
subjects.

d. The founding of monastic orders, 1. ^., the organiza-
tion under the same rule and name, of monastic bodies
in various regions. Under this form medieval Monasti-
cism for the most part existed.

Remark.— While we have here classed Monasticlsm in general
among the evil results of the union of Church and State, we must
beware of regarding it as only evil. In its favor it may be said (a)
that it made strong resistance to worldliness ; (d) it was a powerful
means of attracting pagans to Christianity; (c) in many instances
it promoted theological study ; (</) it afforded a refuge and means of
reformation for those that were cast out from society.

On the other hand : U) it withdrew large numbers of good men
from active service in Christ's cause; (h) it fostered spiritual pride
and hypocrisy : {c) it filled Christendom with radically wrong ideas
of religion and morality; {d) it brutalized many men: (#) it was a
most influential factor in the development of hierarchy.^

timiincpU," 1897.

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CHAPTER II
CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH

It was doubtless hoped by many that when organized
Christianity had gained power to enforce its decisions
there would be an end of controversy. Yet never had
controversy raged so fiercely as in the fourth and follow-
ing centuries. The parties that were already in exist-
ence now came forward with a great increase of polemi-
cal energy, and new parties arose.

Persecution of the less powerful by the dominant
parties was employed without scruple, but to little avail.
It seems to be an established principle that persecution,
if not carried to the point of extermination, and if not
carried on so constantly and severely as to destroy the
spirit of the persecuted, really promotes their spread.

We may divide the controversies of the period into
seven classes: (i) On ecclesiastical polity; (2) on the
relations of the godhead ; (3) on the teaching of Origen ;
(4) on Christology ; (5) on the doctrine of the person of
Christ ; (6) on anthropology ; (7) controversies involving
protests against the paganizing of Christianity.

I. ecclesiastical polity— the DONATIST CONTROVERSY.

We left the Donatists in the other period when the
schism had just been completed. A brief sketch of the
efforts to heal the schism must here be given :

I. Their Appeal to Constantine, Constantine having
expressly excepted the Donatists from the privileges
conferred on (Christians at the beginning of his reign,
they appealed to him (then in Gaul) to name judges in
that country to inquire into the nature of the divisions
in Carthage (313). Constantine referred the matter to
Melchiades, bishop of Rome, and five Gallic bishops, be-
fore whom the accused Caecilian and ten African bishops
from each side were summoned. A hasty decision in
favor of Caecilian resulted.

320

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chap.il] controversies in the church 321

The Donatists complained that their cause had not
been fully heard, and Constantine ordered a second
investigation at Aries (314), expressing himself against
the Donatists.

A large conference was called, to be composed of
bishops of both parties from various parts of the empire.
This body was packed, the great majority of the bishops
being from Gaul and Italy. The decision was on the
whole favorable to Caecilian, yet it was enacted that
traditors who could be proved to be such from public
documents — not from mere rumor — should be removed
from the ministry. The Donatists failed to prove from
public documents that either Mensurius or C^secilian or
Felix of Aptunga, who had ordained Caecilian, was a
traditor.

The investigations conducted by the imperial commissioners had
reference chiefly to the conduct of Pelix, whose traditorship was sup-
posed by the Donatists to have vitiated the ordination of Cseclllan.

From this decision the Donatists appealed to the
emperor himself. He decided against them in 316, and
threatened the banishment of their bishops and the
confiscation of their property in case they should refuse
to yield.

2. Persecution of the donatists. Constantine's threat
was soon executed. Donatists were deprived of their
churches and harassed in various ways. This persecu-
tion had the effect of driving many of them already
inclined to fanaticism to deeds of violence. In 317
Constantine exhorted the Catholics to abstain from re-
taliation. In 321 the Donatists sent a petition to the
emperor, saying that they would submit to anything
rather than affiliate with the rascally Bishop Caecilian.
Constantine thought further measures useless and
granted them full liberty of conscience.

3. Efforts of the Emperor Constans to Bribe the Donatists,
and the Succeeding Persecution. In 340 Constans made
an effort, under the pretence of alms, to use money for
conciliating the Donatists. The Donatist bishops were
exasperated, and again there was a resort to force.
They were once more deprived of their churches and
their assemblies were broken up by armed troops.

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322 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.ia

Those that resisted were in many instances slain. The
Donatists were now led to declare boldly their opposition
to civil interference in nnatters of religion. This was
henceforth one of the fundamental principles of the party.

4. The HDonatists and the Emperor Jidian. Julian at-
tempted to restore paganism, and of course withdrew
the privileges that had been bestowed upon the dominant
form of organized Christianity by his predecessors.
The Donatists appealed to him, and he issued an edict
annulling whatever had been undertaken against them
and restoring to them their churches.

5. The donatists and /lugustine. The Donatist schism
was still unabated at the beginning of the fifth century.
Augustine, bishop of Hippo, was impelled, not only by
his high idea of church unity, but also by the annoyance
that the schism caused him personally, to write against
them and to seek to compass their overthrow. The
leading points on which Augustine bases his attacks are:

(i) Their persistent separation from the church, which
led them to refuse to enter even into social relations
with the Catholics.

(2) Their insistence on the rebaptism of the Catholics
as a condition of communion with them. This offered
the greatest obstacle to union, necessitating a complete
surrender on the part of the Catholics in order thereunto.

(3) He rebuts their charges of persecution on the part
of the Catholics by setting forth the intolerance of Do-
natists themselves, citing as instances the refusal of
Donatists in a town in which they were predominant to
sell bread to Catholics, and the forcible manner in which in
a schism in a Donatist church, led by Maximianus, the
stronger party had seized the church property. The fact
that the schism was afterward healed without require-
ment of rebaptism on either side he uses against the
Donatists to show their inconsistency in requiring rebap-
tism of Catholics. The deeds of the fanatical Circum-
celliones are also used to show the intolerant, persecut-
ing spirit of the Donatists.

6. The Donatists and the Carthaginian Council (A. D.
411). A great effort having been made (395 onw.) to
conciliate the Donatists by allowing their clergy to retain
their dignity and by making aa amicable adjustment of

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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 323

claims to church property, etc., with little success, the
emperor, Theodosius II,, issued an edict (41 1) commanding
the Donatist bishops of Africa to meet the Catholic
bishops at Carthage in a great conference.

The Donatist bishops went much against their inclina-
tion, having no confidence in such measures. They
were indignant that an imperial commissioner should
preside. The Donatists were sullen, the Catholics im-
perious, and the discussion amounted to nothing.

Of the Catholic bishops of Proconsular Africa two hundred and
eighty-six were present, of the Donatists two hundred and seventy-
nine. It is evident that the dioceses were small and that Catholic
and Donatist congregations existed side by side in nearly every
community.

The Donatists were condemned and a fierce persecu-
tion ensued. The Vandals, however, put an end to party
strife, persecuting Catholics and Donatists alike, and in-
troducing Arianism (429 onw.). The Donatists declined
from the middle of the fifth century, but maintained
themselves as a distinct party until the sixth century or
later.

II. ON THE RELATIONS OF THE GODHEAD— THE ARIAN CON-
TROVERSY.

LITERATURE: Athanasius, *' Orai. Contra Arianos'^ "D# D$cniis
Smodm Wcamm^^ "D# SenUniia DionysU^^ ** Apologia contr. Arianos,^*
*^Histon'a Arianorum^^* etc. ; Basil, **A(iv. Emommm** ; Greg. Naz.,
**Oratfotus Theologieof^^ ; Greg. Nys., ^^ Contra Eunommm** ; Hilary,
•* D0 TrmUaU "; Ambrose, " D$ Fid$ "; Augustine, " De Trinitait Con-
tra Maximinum Arianum "; Epjphanius, ^^Ancoratus "; Hardouin and
MansI, *' Concilia '' ; " Fragmenta Arianorum^** in Mai's '* Scriptorum
ygt. Nov. Coll" Vol. 111. ; TDorner, " Person of Christ," Div. L Vol.
II. ; Neander, Vol. II., p. 403, ssq. , Schaff, Vol. II., pp. 616-698 ; Baur,
•• Gtsch. d. Lihrt der Dnieinigkiit,^' Bd, I., Sfit. 3o6-«25, and *' 'Dog-
nungesehichti^" Bd. I., Sdit. 13^-282; Kolling, '* Gesch» d, Arianischen
H'afisii^" 1874; works on tne history of doctrine, by Harnack,
Loofs, Seeberg, Thomasius, Hagenbach, Shedd, Sheldon, and
Fisher ; Hefele, " Hist, of Councils," Vol. I. ; De Broglie, " UEgliu
it VEmpirt^' ; Voigt, " Die Uhrt d. tAthanasius'*; Newman, "The
Arians of the Fourth Century " : Gibbon, " Dec. and Fall," Chap.
21; Stanley, "Eastern Church,*' Lect lI.-VII.: Gwatkin, "Stud-
ies of Arianism " and " The Arian Controversy " ; articles on Arius
(Arianism), Athanasius, Eusebius, Eunomlus, etc., in Smith and
Wace, Hauck-Herzog, Wetzer u. Welte, Lichtenberger, and McClIn*
tock and Strong.

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324 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PES. in

I. Preliminary Observations.

It was the doctrine of the pre-existent Logos that
more than any other had agitated the world of theolog*
ical thought during the second and third centuries. We
have seen that the Christians were driven to the ex-
pression of definite views on this subject by the pressure
of Gnosticism on the one hand, with its emanation
theory, and of Ebionism on the other, with its utter re-
jection of Christ's deity. We have seen that an influ-
ential part of the church, represented by Noetus, Praxeas,
Sabellius, and Beryl, had, with a view to obviating the
Gnostic and Ebionitic conclusions, striven to identify
Father and Son absolutely. This involved either Patri-
passianism (the maintenance that the birth and suffer-
ings of the Son can be attributed equally to the Father)
or Docetism (the incarnation and the sufferings of the
Son being regarded as merely phenomenal). Patripas-
sianism was, from the first, repugnant to the Christian
consciousness in general, and its success in gaining ad-
herents may have been due, in part, to the laxity of dis-
cipline with which it appears to have been commonly
jissociated.

The problem now forced itself upon the minds of
Christian thinkers, of distinguishing between Father and
Son, without denying either the humanity or the abso-
lute deity of the latter. We have seen how Tertullian,
by his ** Economy," and Origen, by his " Eternal Gen-
eration," attempted to meet the case. Dionysius of
Alexandria, in controversy with the Sabellians (about
260), declared that the ** Son of God is a work and a
creature, not appertaining to him by nature, but as re*
gards his essence as foreign to the Father as is the hus-
bandman to the vine. . . For, as a creature, he did not
exist before he was produced." These expressions
awakened vigorous opposition, and the matter was laid
before Dionysius, bishop of Rome, who called a synod
for the consideration of the question. Dionysius of Alex-
andria afterward disowned the opinions mentioned, and
in the Arian controversy his authority was claimed by
both parties.

Dionysius of Rome (with the concurrence of the synod)

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CHAR II.] COffTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 325

rejected the expressions of his Alexandrian namesake,
together with anything that would imply that there was
a time when the Son was not. He held that the Son was
always in the Father as his Power and Wisdom. " It is
necessary for the divine Logos to be united with the God
of the universe, and in God the Holy Spirit, also, must
be embosomed and dwell. And now it is altogether nec-
essary that the divine Triad be summed up and brought
together into a head, as it were — I mean in God, the
creator of the universe."

During the closing years of the third century and the
opening of the fourth, theological thought was focused
upon this great question. There was still a constant
vacillation between subordinationism and Sabellianism.
In the nature of things, such a state of vacillation on a
question that profoundly agitated men's minds could not
long continue. The time had come when Christian
thinkers must decide either that the Son is a creature,
and hence, not eternal, and not in the highest sense
divine ; or, that he is uncreated, eternal, truly God, of
the same essence with the Father, yet with a personality
distinct from that of the Father.

By the beginning of the fourth century, the idea of the
absoluteness of the Christian religion had taken strong
hold upon the Christian consciousness. This pre-sup-
posed, Christianity could not long remain content with
any statement that involved the subordination of its
head. If Christianity is the absolute religion, the Christ
must be regarded as absolutely divine. It was, there-
fore, no accident that the Nicene-Athanasian formulae of
the relations of the Godhead should have finally pre-
vailed, and should have become part and parcel of the
Christianity of the subsequent ages.

We observe here, as we shall constantly have occa-
sion to observe, the speculative character of Oriental
theology, as contrasted with the practical tendency of
the Occidental. Western Christians saw clearly the
practical need of asserting the absolute deity of Christ,
and were somewhat indifferent to minute distinctions.
Eastern Christians, on the other hand, often spent their
energies in fruitless hair-splitting.

The Arian controveisy was widespread, violent, and

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326 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. fll

prolonged. For nearly a century it absorbed a large share
of the energies of almost the entire Christian brother-
hood. It was the occasion of innumerable scenes of
bloodshed and violence, and it rent asunder whole sec-
tions of Christendom.

2. Rise of the Controversy,

We have seen that from the time of Origen Oriental
Christendom was constantly agitating the question of the
relations of the Godhead. Arius, a presbyter of the
Alexandrian church, had received his religious training
at Antioch, under Lucian. In opposition to the allegor-
ical interpretation which prevailed at Alexandria, Arius
had learned to interpret the Bible grammatically and his-
torically. He seems to have been almost destitute of the
intuitive faculty for which Alexandrian theologians were
distinguished, and his mind demanded an entirely clear
and rational statement of the doctrine that was agitating
the churches. Origen's theory of the eternal generation
of the Logos had no meaning for him. " We must either
suppose two divine original essences, without beginning
and independent of each other, we must substitute a
dyarchy for a monarchy, or we must not shrink from
asserting that the Logos had a beginning of his existence
— ^that there was when he was not."

Arius was a man of pure and ascetical life, and his in-
fluence in Alexandria soon began to be felt. In 321
Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, called a synod, which
deposed him from the presbyterate and excluded him
from the communion of the church. The result was a
schism in the Alexandrian church which soon spread far
and wide.

3. The Three Parties in the Controversy.

(i) The ^rian. This party during the early stages rf
the controversy was not strong. Comparatively few
were willing to accept, without qualification, Arius* state-
ments with regard to the Logos. But a very large num-
ber, who had always, after the example of Origen, held
to a subordination of the Logos, protested against the
intolerance of Alexander, and hence were practically
defenders of Arianism.

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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 327

We may sum up the strict Arian view as follows :

a. The Son was created out of nothing ; hence, he is
different in essence QrepooOato^) from the Father ; that he
is Logos, Wisdom, Son of God, is only of grace. He is
not so in himself.

b. There was, when he was not ; i. e., he is a finite
being.

c. He was created before everything else, and through
him the universe was created and is administered.

d. In the historical Christ the human element is
merely the material ; the soul is the Logos. The his-
torical Christ, therefore, had no human soul, and the
human elements that appear so prominently in the Gos-
pels, are attributed to the Logos. This is one of the
favorite arguments of the Arians for the finiteness and
imperfection of the Logos. The earlier theologians, with
the exception of Origen, had made no distinction between
the divine and the human in Christ, and the orthodox
theologians were . not able to meet this telling argument
of the Arians by making such distinction.

e. The Arians held, that although the incarnate Logos
is finite, and hence not God, he is to be worshiped, as
being unspeakably exalted above all other creatures, the
immediate Creator and Governor of the universe, and the
Redeemer of man.

/. The Arians adhered to the Scriptures, and were will-
ing to employ as their own any scriptural statements of
doctrine.

(2) The tAthanasian Party. This party was driven to
the rigorous definition of the relations of the Godhead
by the harsh polemical statements of the Arians. The
Origenistic representation was too metaphysical and was
a constant occasion of theological agitation. The needs
of the case were : to utterly repudiate the hypothesis of
any sort of subordination on the part of the Son ; to hold
fast to the absolute deity of the historical Christ ; and to
obviate Patripassianism.

According to the Arian theory, which was thought to
be the logical outgrowth of the Origenistic, the Son does
not even know the Father perfectly. If the Son does
not know the Father perfectly, then Christianity is not
the absolute religion. But Christianity is the absolute

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328 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill

religion, therefore the Son must have. made a perfect
revelation, i. e., must be absolutely divine. This abso-
lutely divine Son was, as a matter of course, identified
with the historical Christ.

Patripassianism never had a very strong hold upon the
Christian consciousness, and was by this time looked
upon as blasphemous. " Hence, a distinction of personal-
ities in the Godhead must be made, if the life and the
death of the historical Christ were real, •which was not
doubted.

We may summarize the Athanasian view of the person
of Christ as follows :

a. The Son was begotten, not by the will of the Father,
as Origen supposed, but by a necessity of the Father's
nature. As God is unchangeable, there never was wl\pn
he was not Father. Just as God is good and merciful,
not by an exercise of will, but by nature, so he is pa-
ternal. Nature goes before all willing. The distinction
of Father and Son is, therefore, an eternal distinction.

b. The Son is identical in substance (6fioou<Tto^) with the
Father. His deity is identical with the deity of the Father.
Athanasius and his party discarded the Platonic exalta-
tion of God above all relations to the universe, which
Origen, Arius, etc., adhered to. Creation was the work
of the Son, but not because it was beneath the dignity of
the Father. The Arian view, it was held, in denying the
absolute deity of Christ, destroys the possibility of the
union of man with God. If Christ is not God there is no
true redemption for man.

c. Athanasius emphasized the personality of the Son

Just as much as his identity in essence with the Father.
Personality is involved in Athanasius' idea of Sonship.
The Son is not a mere attribute or mode of manifesta-
tion of the Father, but an independent personal subsist-
ence. Yet Athanasius would not allow anything that
involves a partition of the divine essence. He illustrates
his idea of the relation of Father and Son by the relation
of light and its reflection, thus really subordinating the
Son to the Father.

Athanasius thus set forth with great clearness the two
elements of the doctrine — the sameness of essence and
the distinction of personality of Father and Son. Later

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CHAP. 11.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 329

theologians, such as Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, and
Gregory Nazianzen, attempted to reconcile the two
propositions of Athanasius, i. e., to make clear wherein
the oneness and wherein the trinity consists.

(3) The SemuArian or Eusebian Party. We may re-
gard this large and influential party as, on the one hand,
a continuation of the Ante-Nicene Origenistic party, and
on the other hand as a mediation between Arianism and
Athanasianism. Most of the early defenders of Arius
were not willing, with Arius, to deny absolutely the
deity of Christ, yet they were just as loth to accept the,
to them, self -contradictory representation of Athanasius.

The creed of the Semi-Arians may be summed up as
follows :

a. They rejected the Arian view that the Son was
created out of nothing, and hence is different in essence
from the Father; that "there was when the Son was
not " ; that the Son is a creature or a birth in the sense
in which other things are created and born.

b. On the other hand, they declared that the Son was
begotten of the Father, before all time, God of God,
entire of entire, only of the only, perfect of the perfect,
;mage of the deity, the essence, the will, the power, and
the glory of the Father. Yet they denied the Athana-
sian sameness of essence, holding only to likeness as to
essence (6fjLoto6ino^).

Remark.— This party appears In history chiefly in an apologetic
way, and most of its members were probably nearer to the Anans
than to the Athanaslans.

4. The Arians and the Nicene Council.

The chief object of the Nicene Council was to settle
the Arian controversy, which so seriously imperiled the
unity of organized Christianity that Constantine had
much at heart. In the council were three distinct
parties, the Arian, the Semi-Arian or Origenistic, and
the Athanasian. At the opening of the council the
Arians proposed a creed, signed by eighteen names.
This was indignantly rejected and torn in pieces. All
the signers, except Arius and two bishops, now aban-
doned the cause of the Arians.

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330 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.ni

Eusebius of Csesarea then proposed an ancient Pales-
tinian creed, which acknowledged the divine nature of
Christ in general biblical terms. The emperor had
already expressed a favorable opinion of this creed.
The Arians were willing to subscribe to it, but this latter
fact made the Athanasian party suspicious. They wanted
a creed that no Arian could subscribe, and insisted on in-
serting the term tneeining identical in substance (6/ioo64rto^),

The Nicene Creed in nearly its present form was then
proposed, and the emperor having decided to support the
Athanasian party, subscription to this was required of all
the bishops. The Semi-Arian bishops, who maintained
that the Son was not identical in essence with the Father,
but was of a similar essence (6fioto6<rto^), after consider-
able hesitation signed the document for the sake of
peace, explaining, by way of protest, their precise
position.

Two Egyptian bishops, Theonas and Secundus, per-
sistently refused to sign it, and together with Arius were
banished to Illyria. Thus the Athanasian party was for
a time victorious, and the Arians were suppressed as far
as possible by imperial force.

Athanasius, at this time a young man, soon became
the acknowledged leader of the Nicene party, and used
his great dialectic powers in writing and preaching
against Arianism.

5. Arian and Semi- Arian Reaction.

It is probable that Constantine himself, so far as he
had any convictions on the subject, was from the first in-
clined to Semi- Arianism. Soon after the closing of the
council the Semi-Arians began to assail the Nicene creed
and to insist upon the similarity over against the same-
ness of essence.

Constantine, through the influence of Eusebius, re-
called Arius and his party from exile (328). In 330 he
required Athanasius, now bishop of Alexandria, to
restore Arius to his office, and on his refusing was on
the point of deposing him, but was awed by the person-
ality of Athanasius. The influence of the Eusebian
party was increasing, and in 33; an Arian Synod was
convoked at Tyre which condemned the Athanasian

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CHAP. 11.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 33 1

party. The emperor banished Athanasius to Treves,
and Arius was about to be restored to his position in the
Alexandrian church when he died suddenly, a^ed eighty.

After the death of Constantine (337) Constantius
reigned in the East and Constantine II. in the West.
The former was an Arian, the latter an adherent of the
Nicene creed. The Western church was all along pre-
dominantly orthodox, the Eastern predominantly Arian
or Semi-Arian. Constantine II. restored Athanasius, but
he was deposed again after the death of this emperor
(340). Constantius restored Athanasius a third time
(346), but after the death of Constans (350) he was
driven from Alexandria by Constantius with an armed
force.

Constantius, now sole emperor, introduced Arianism
into the West. The orthodox bishop of Rome was
dethroned and an Arian put in his place, but the former
was restored after the death of the latter on signing
Arian articles. Even Hosius of Cordova, who had been
foremost in the Nicene Council, was at last induced to
subscribe Arian articles.

For some years before the authoritative introduction
of Arianism into the West the Arians had been zealously
prosecuting mission work among the Goths and other
barbarians. Ulfilas, the great apostle of the Goths,
translated the Bible into Gothic about 350. Arianism
gained a strong hold upon these nations that were be-
coming every year a more important element in the
politics and civilization of Europe.

6. yictoty of the Athanasian Party.

Constantius died in 361. Julian was indifferent to
Christian parties. The Athanasian party, when freedom
was again allowed, rapidly regained their power in the
West and made progress In the East. The Emperor
Valens (364-378) persecuted the Athanasians with
fanatical zeal. Theodosius the Great (392-39S) com-
pleted the victory of orthodoxy in the Roman Empire,
yet Arianism continued for a long time to prevail among
the barbarians. The conversion to orthodoxy of Clovis,
king of the Franks (496), was followed by a rapid
decline of Arianism among the Teutonic peoples.

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333 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. lit

III. THE ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES.

Literature : a large body of important matter Is published in
connection with the Migne edition of Origen's works. See also
the pertinent sections in the works on the history of doctrine;
In Dorner*s "The Person of Christ"; in Hefele's "History of
Councils"; In the general works on church histon^ and in the
encyclopedias of Smith and Wace, Wetzer u. Welte, Herzog*
Hauck, and Lichtenberger.

Controversies regarding many aspects of his teachings
arose during the lifetime 6t Origen and were perpetu-
ated until the middle of the sixth century. Methodius,
bishop of Patara (Asia Minor), about the beginning of
the present period assailed with great bitterness Origen's
teachings regarding the creation, the relation of soul and
body, the resurrection, free will, etc. Methodius denied
the eternity of the creative process, the fall of the soui
in a pre-existent state and its probationary imprison-
ment in the body, the spirituality of the resurrection
(involving denial of the resurrection of the body), and
the inability of man to repel evil thoughts with the
temptations involved, A number of zealous defenders
of the great master were promptly in the arena, among
them Eusebius of Csesarea and Pamphilus, his friend.
The following are the more important of the phases of
the controversy that fall within the present period :

I. In Relation to the Arian Controversy.

At first there was a disposition on both sides of the
Arian controversy to ignore the teachings of Origen.
But some of the aspects of Arianism were so manifestly
in accord with Origen's teachings that the Athanasians
began to stigmatize him as ''the father of Arianism."
The Arians naturally were glad to claim the support of
so great a name.

Eusebius of Caesarea and the Semi-Arians zealously
defended the reputation of Origen, while Pachomius, the
founder of monasticism, who had adopted anthropomor-
phite views, regarded the spiritualistic teachings of the
Origenists with the utmost disfavor, supposing that such
views polluted the bodies as well as the souls of those
who accepted them.

Athanasius, while recognizing the errors of Origen,

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CHAP.il] controversies in the church 333

defended him against the fanatical assaults of the anthro-
pomorphites. During the course of the century, Basil
the Great, Gregory of Nazianzen, and Gregory of Nyssa,
sought to save the reputation of Origen for orthodoxy,
while Epiphanius reiterated the charges of Methodius
and assailed his allegorical method of interpreting the
Scriptures.

The controversies of this time were almost purely
literary and did not enter the realm of ecclesiastical
politics.

2. Politico-Ecclesiastical Strife in Palestine and in Egypt
(A. D. 390 onward).

(i) Jerome^ Aterbius, Epiphanius, and Rufinus. Pales-
tine, where Origen had spent the latter half of his life,
had always been devoted to his memory and faithful to
his teachings. At this time Jerome and his devoted
friend Paula from Italy were presiding over monastic
institutions at Bethlehem, while Rufinus and Melania,
likewise from Italy, had established religious houses on
the mount of Olives. Without accepting all his teach-
ings, Jerome and Rulinus were both earnest students of
Origen's works and were disposed to guard his reputa-
tion from unjust imputations.

In 392 Aterbius, an Egyptian anthropomorphite monk,
came to Jerusalem and attacked Jerome and Rufinus as
Origenists. Jerome repudiated Origen's errors, but
sought to minimize them. John, bishop of Jerusalem,
and Rufinus, stanchly defended Origen.

In 394 Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, came to Pales-
tine with the avowed object of crushing Origenism.
Jerome was ready by this time to co-operate with him
in his onslaught against John and Rufinus. Epiphanius
undertook to excommunicate John and to install in his
place Paulinianus, a brother of Jerome.

Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, was appealed to by
John and sought to reconcile the contending factions.
Though Origenistic in his sympathies, he was finally led
to ally himself with Jerome.

Rufinus made peace with Jerome and soon afterward
returned to Italy, where he translated into Latin the
defense of Origen by Pamphilus and Origen's great

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334 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.ni.

work on "First Principles.*' He rejected some of the
more objectionable expressions in Origen's works as
interpolations and professed his aversion to the charac-
teristic errors of Origen ; but Jerome's polemical zeal
was aroused afresh and he insisted that Rufinus could
not escape personal responsibility for such views of
Origen as he had put forth in the translation. Jerome
succeeded in inducing the Roman bishop, Anastasius,
who was profoundly ignorant of Origen 's works, to con-
demn them, and the Emperor Honorius to prohibit their
use (A. D. 400).

(2) TheophUus and the AnthropomorphiU Monks. In
399 Theophilus aroused the anthropomorphite monks to
a murderous fury by an unhappy expression in an
Easter letter. To escape their vengeance he disclaimed
sympathy with Origenistic teaching and made use of
language which they interpreted in an anthropomorphic
sense. The Origenistic monks (the •' Tall Brethren ")
now turned against their bishop. He determined to
crush Origenism, and secured the co-operation of Epi-
phanius of Cyprus, Anastasius of Rome, and of a synod
in Jerusalem. Theophilus now put forth in a synodal
letter a catalogue of the heresies of Origen's •* First
Principles, *' including his teaching regarding the ultimate
restoration to divine favor of evil men and angels and of
Satan himself, and denounced Origen as ''the hydra of
all heresies." He drove three hundred of the Origenis-
tic monks from the Nitrian desert, who with others took
refuge in Constantinople and sought the protection of
Chrysostom, the patriarch.

The Emperor Arcadius was led by the reports of
Theophilus* cruelties to summon him to the capital.
Epiphanius went in advance to explain matters, and on
Theophilus' arrival he found little difficulty in vindicat-
ing himself and in procuring the condemnation of Chrys-
ostom by a small council for the favor he had shown to
the Origenistic monks (403).

(3) Justinian's Repressive Measure (c. 542). The Nes-
torian and the Eutychian controversies were already
raging, and controversy en the teachings of Origen
came little into notice until about $20 when trouble
arose in the Palestinian Laura. The expulsion of fou>

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CHAP. 11.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 335

Origenistic monks by the head of the institution and
their secret restoration some time afterward by his suc-
cessor led to an appeal to Constantinople. Avowed
Origenism rapidly spread throughout Palestine. After
much controversy Justinian was led to issue an edict for
the suppression of Origenism throughout the empire
(c. 542). It was crushed to rise no more as a distinct
party, though Origen's peculiar views have rarely been
without their zealous supporters.

IV. ON CHRISTOLOGY— THE NESTORIAN, EUTYCHIAN, AND
MONOTHELITE CONTROVERSIES, ETC.

I. Preliminary Observations.

Very little effort had been made during the first three
centuries to analyze the person of Christ. V/hether he
had a complete human and a complete divine nature was
not an agitated question. Origen was probably the first
to say distinctly that Christ had a human soul, this
being in accord with his theory that Christ became a man
to save men, an angel to save angels.

Arius expressly denied that Christ had a human soul,
and this view was admirably adapted to his polemical
purpose, viz., that of showing the imperfection of the
Logos.

Athanasius did not, as he might have been expected
to do, answer Arius with the assertion of the complete
divinity and the complete humanity of Christ and
ascribe what seemed unsuitable to deity in the New
Testament representation to Christ's human nature.
But he answered him with the assertion that when
Christ spoke or acted in a manner inconsistent with
deity (as, e. g., when he said : " My God ! my God !
why hast thou forsaken me ? ") he spoke in our name,
because he had put himself into our place and had taken
upon himself our guilt and abasement, or else he spoke
by way of accommodation to the ignorance of his dis-
ciples.

Gregory Nazianzen and Gregory of Nyssa adopted
and developed the Origenistic doctrine that the Logos
united himself with the sensuous nature by the media-
tion of a rational human soul. They held that the

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336 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. la

divine Logos took all parts of human nature into fellow-
ship with himself and pervaded them. This permeation
of the human by the divine was potential from Christ's
birthy but was fully realized only after the resurrection
and ascension.

Apollinaris (about 370) first took up the question in a
polemical way. In accordance with the Platonic trichot-
omy (body, soul, and spirit), he maintained that Christ
had a human body and soul, but that the divine Logos
took the place of the human spirit. His aim was to
maintain the complete union of the divine and human in
Christ. He thought it absurd to speak of Christ as
wholly God and wholly man. He is rather a mixture of
God and man. This view he illustrated, without irrever-
ent intent, by the case of hybrid animals. There exists
then in Christ only one personality. Apollinaris laid so
much stress upon the complete fusion of the divine and
the human in Christ that he did not hesitate to say
•• God died," ** God was born," etc.

This theory once clearly stated aroused opposition
among the churches. Athanasius himself was now led
to declare the complete humanity as well as the complete
deity of Christ. Gregory Nazianzen and also Gregory
of Nyssa wrote against Apollinaris. This doctrine was
condemned in several minor synods, and finally in the
Second Constantinopolitan Council (381).

But it was in the Antiochian school that Apollinaris
found his most formidable opponents, viz., Diodorus of
Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia, These writers in-
sisted on the completeness and the persistent integrity
of the humanity of Christ. Theodore fully elaborated
the theory known in the history of doctrine as Nes-
torianism.

2. The Nestorian Controversy.

LrrERATURE: Homilies of Nestorfus* In Mlgne's Patrology,
Vol. XLVIU. (Ut. trans.); ''Acta Omc, Eik.,''\Ti Hardouln and
Mansi; Theodoret, writings against Cyril; Theodore of Mop*
suestla, Fragments; Evagnus, ^H. £.," Bk. I., Chap. 2-7, Soc-
rates, *•//. £.," Bk. VU., Chap. 29-35; Cyril, writines against
Nestorius; Neander, Vol. II., p. 505, s/j. ; SchafF, vol. 11., p.
714, s$q.: Milman, "Latin Cnristianity,^' Vol. I., p. iq;, stq,..
Gieseler, Vol. I., p. 343. seq, ; Baur, ** Uhrt von d. i)reitmigkeii^*^
Bd. I., S«r. 695, uq, ; Dorner, " Person of Christ," Div. IL, VoL

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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 337

I.« p. SI, s#ff.. etc.: works on the history of doctrine, referred
to above; and artldes on '* Nestorius,*' '* Cyril/' ''Johnof Anti-
och," " Leo the Great," '« Theodoret," the Councils of *« Ephesus,"
and ** Chalcedon," etc.. in the encyclopedias, eq)ecially Smith and
Wace and Herzog-Hauck.

(/) Riu ofiks %^0stariaH Catrtrav^sf.

We have seen the rise and progress of two modes of
thought with regard to the person of Christ: the one
insisting upon the completeness of both natures and yet
not able to show clearly the consistency of this repre-
sentation with unity of personality ; the other emphasiz-
ing the unity of personality in the incarnate Christ and
denying the completeness of his humanity from its sup-
posed inconsistency with such unity. The former view
prevailed among the Antiochian theologians, who, by
reason of their grammatico-historical interpretation of
Scripture, naturally tended to emphasize the human side
of Christ's nature ; the latter, among the Alexandrian.

Nestorius, a devout, learned, and eloquent monk, was
presbyter of the cnurch of Antioch, and in 428 was
made patriarch of Constantinople. At Constantinople
he found many erroneous expressions and modes of
thought current in the church. Especially offensive to
him was the term, " mother of God " (^eorrfxoy), applied
to Mary. He declared that if this representation were
true, the heathen were right in representing their gods as
having mothers. Mary did not bear God, but the man
(Jesus) who is the organ of the deity. Opposition was
aroused at Constantinople, but Nestorius found his
fiercest antagonist in Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria.

(2) StaUnuta of th$ Oppas^ ywps m ihs Caittrav^sf»

a. Nestorius* yiew of the Relations of the Human and
Divine in Christ. Nestorius as an Antiochian and as a
disciple of Theodore of Mopsuestia, in whom the Anti-
ochian humanism may be said to have culminated, held
to the following views :

(jz) That in Christ the two natures remained distinct,
yet are closely joined together and are harmonious in
will.

(b) That only by accommodation can Mary be spoken
of as the mother of God (atorrfxo^). We may venerate

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338 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill

the human on account of its close connection with the
divine, but we must beware of confounding it with the
4ivine.

(f) Nestorius explained by this theory all those pas«
sages in the Gospels in which Christ is represented as
being subject to temptations, wants, sufferings, etc. In
fact, the method of interpreting Scripture that prevailed
in Antioch lay at the foundation of this extremely
humanistic view of the historical Christ.

b. Cyril's Opposing ytews. Cyril of Alexandria was
one of the most violent polemicists of that polemical
age, and into this controversy, as well as that with the
Neo-Platonists, he entered with fanatical zeal.

Apart from dogmatical considerations, he was probably
glad of an opportunity to humiliate the patriarchates of
Constantinople and Antioch, and to this end he did not
scruple to employ the ready instrumentality of court
intrigue.

After some correspondence with Nestorius he pre-
sented twelve propositions, with anathemas attached,
for his acceptance. They are for substance as follows :

(a) God is in truth Immanuel, and on this account the
holy virgin is mother of God, for she brought forth
carnally the Word of [proceeding from] God become
flesh.

(6) The Word [proceeding] from God the Father is in
the flesh one in essence, and Christ with his own flesh
Is one and evidently at the same time God and man.

(c) Hence, after the union, the natures in the one
Christ are not to be distinguished, nor is it to be said
that they are merely joined together in dignity or power*
Rather they have come together according to natural
(^wTtx6^) unity.

(d) The application of certain facts and expressions
in the New Testament to the human as unworthy of the
divine nature, and of others to the divine as too exalted
for the human, is condemned.

(e) Christ is not to be called a theophoric (God-bear-
ing) man, but rather God in truth, as one Son by nature.

(/) Neither is It to be said that the Word, which is
from God the Father, is God or Master of Christ, but
rather that he is at the same time God and man.

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CHAP.n.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 339

(g) It must not be said that Jesus as a man was ener-
gized by the Word of God, and that the dignity of the
only begotten was bestowed, as being another apart
from himself,

(A) it must not be said that the man having been
assumed is to be worshiped and glorified together with
God the Word, and is to be called God in a sense not
involving a recognition of him as ImmanueL

(i) It must not be said that the one Lord Jesus Christ
was glorified by the Spirit, using through him (the
Spirit) a power foreign to himself, but rather that the
Holy Spirit is his very own and is used by him.

(AJ The Word of God actually became flesh according
to the Scripture, and he offered up himself not for him-
self, but rather for us alone.

(/) The flesh of the Lord is life-giving, as being an
integral part of the Word of God himself.

(m) God the Word suffered in the flesh, was crucified
in the flesh, tasted death in the flesh.

The favorite text of Cyril was : " The Word became flesh."
The purport of this senes of propositions, in which Cyril meant to
exclude every phase of the Antiochian view, is : That the Incarnate
Word Is absolutely one ; is at the same time absolutely divine and
absolutely human.

Whatever is said about Christ Jesus in the New Testament, is
said about this one divinehuman being. Such expressions as were
regarded as unsuitable to Deity were sometimes explained by this
party docetically, i. ^., were represented as a mere accommodation
to the ignorance of the disciples, etc*

(j) Progress ofth$ Contraarsy.

a. The Appeal to the Bishop of Rome, and Agitation by
Cyril. After some correspondence between Nestorius
and Cyril, both parties laid their views before Coelestin,
bishop of Rome. The fact that Nestorius had recently
shown some favor to the Pelagians, predisposed the Ro-
man bishop against him ; and in a Roman synod (430)
Nestorius' views were condemned, and he was com-
manded to recant on pain of excommunication. To
Cyril was entrusted the office of making known the
decree to Nestorius. The Constantinopolitans and the
Oriental bishops were warned against the errors of Nes-
torius.

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340 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.in

Cyril had from the beginning of the controversy made
the fullest use of all the means at his disposal for arous-
ing hostility to Nestorius : the fanatical monks ; clergy,
whose vanity had been Injured by the appointment of a
foreigner rather than one of themselves to the patriarch-
ate ; the corrupt and powerful Puicheria, the emperor's
sister ; the bishop of Rome, who was glad of any oppor-
tunity to get his judicial prerogatives recognized.

b. The Council ofEphesus (431). The emperor, Theo-
dosius II., was suspicious of Cyril, and reproached him
for trying to meddle with the affairs of the imperial court,
and with the patriarchate of Constantinople.

When Cyril had issued his twelve propositions for the
acceptance of Nestorius, the controversy ceased to be a
private one between Cyril and Nestorius.

John, Patriarch of Antioch, had advised Nestorius to
allow the use of the expression *' Mother of God,'* in a
modified sense. Cyril's propositions showed that it was
no longer a question of the employment or rejection of a
word. Cyril had attacked the Antiochian theology, and
in such a way to leave no room for evasion. The con-
troversy now became general between the Antiochians
and the Alexandrians.

Nestorius issued counter-propositions and anathemas,
and Theodoret of Cyrus, one of the foremost scholars
and thinkers of the age, now entered the field of contro-
versy as a representative of the Antiochian theology.
Neither party understood, nor cared to understand, the
position of the other. Each sadly misrepresented the
other, and by stating its own views and those of its op-
ponents in the extremest form made the breach as wide
as possible.

The emperor saw no other way of restoring peace than
by calling a General Council. It was his intention to
have both sides fairly represented, to secure an impartial
investigation of the matters in dispute, and thus to have
the truth prevail.

The bishop of Ephesus, Memnon, was a friend of Cyril,
and as a metropolitan, may have been jealous of the su-
premacy of the patriarch of the Eastern capital. A large
body of fanatical monks were j)resent, ready to carry out
any riotous measures that Cyril and Memnon might sug*

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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 341

gest. John of Antioch was delayed by the prevalence of
famine at Antioch, by stormy weather, etc., so that he
did not reach Ephesus until many days after the ap-
pointed time.

Neither did the deputies of the Roman bishop arrive
promptly. It was never the intention of Cyril to over-
come his opponents by fair means. With the support of
Memnon and his followers, together with that of the large
body of subservient clergy whom he had brought from
Alexandria, he was sure of an easy victory over Nes-
torius.

Nestorius was pressed to sit in council with this fa-
natical mob, but he persistently refused. The imperial
commissioner tried in vain to preserve order, and refused
to give the imperial sanction to the ex parte council of
Cyril. Cyril and Memnon, with their dependents, met
notwithstanding the imperial prohibition, deposed Nesto-
rius, and anathematized his doctrines. Cyril thus put
himself in direct opposition to the imperial will. He had
now before him the task of winning over the court to his
support.

Some days after these transactions, John of Antioch,
with his subordinates, arrived. The imperial commis-
sioners endeavored in vain to get the two parties to
unite in a deliberative assembly. John, with his own
thirty bishops and a few others, met together in council,
and excommunicated Cyril and Memnon for their illegal
proceedings.

Both parties were strictly prohibited from visiting
Constantinople. Cyril, however, sent an agent under
the guise of a beggar, with a letter to Dalmatius, an
aged monk of great influence, who had lived in soli-
tude for forty-eight years. Dalmatius had long since
warned the people against Nestorius, and was aroused to
fanaticism by the representations of Cyril. At Dalma-
tius' summons the monks and abbots left their cloisters,
and forming an immense torchlight procession, marched
to the imperial palace. Multitudes of the people joined
in the procession. Dalmatius was admitted to the im-
perial presence, and gave vigorous expression to his sense
of the guilt of Nestorius, and of the wrong done by the
emperor to the party of Cyril.

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342 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. IIL

(4) Triumph ofiht tAUxandrian Party and ih$ T{*iirtmmt of N$sU>rius.

This was the turning point in favor of Cyril. The
agents of Cyril were freely admitted to the imperial
presence. By bribery and other means all influential
parties in Constantinople were conciliated.

The emperor saw that the popular feeling was too
strong to admit of Nestorius' continuance in the patri-
archate, and he was permitted to retire to his cloister.

Cyril had thus, while acting in the face of law and
order, triumphed over Nestorius and gained the imperial
acquiescence. But he was held responsible for the pre-
vailing turmoil in ecclesiastical affairs ; and he felt that
his triumph would be more complete and lasting if he
could gain the acquiescence of the Antiochians in the
proceedings of the council.

In 433, accordingly, after considerable negotiation to
this end, Cyril agreed to sign a creed in which ** Mother
of God " was applied to Mary in a limited sense, while
John acquiesced in the condemnation of Nestorius, and
sanctioned the appointment under Cyrilian influence of
Maximianus as his successor. This compromise was
effected under imperial pressure.

It was hoped that harmony would be thus restored.
But the friends of Cyril were dissatisfied with his con-
cessions to the Antiochians. The Antiochians, on the
other hand, were still averse to the Alexandrian doc-
trine, regarding it as leading logically to Apollinarianism.
Controversy, therefore, continued, and was revived in
an intensified form, about 444, in the Eutychian con-
troversy.

3. The Eutychian Controvert.

LITERATURE: "j^iMM/fVoif oi/v/rfftf Trogetdiam Irgtuei": the Acts
of the Councils of Constantinople, Ephesus II., Chalcedon;
epistles of Leo the Great. These and other documents are to be
found in lAansU " Concilia,'' V., VI., VII., IX. and in Hardouin,
•' Cone.** I. and II. ; Theodoret, ''Optra,'* Vol. IV. ; Evagrius, '*//.
£.," Bk. I., Chap. 9, s^q.; Neander, Vol. II., p. 560, sea. ; Domer,
" Person of Christ,*' Div. II., Vol. I., p. 79. s^q- ; Baur,^' Uhr$ v. d.
Dreinnigkiit" Bd. I., Siit, 890, seq, ; Gleseler, ** Commentatio qua
MonophysHarum veierum variai d$ Christi Persona . . . illustraniur ;
Walch, *• Hist d, Kiiureien^ 'Bd. VI., Seit. ^, seq. : Herzog, " ^briss
d. Kkchengeschichie," Bd. I., Sett. 505, sea, ; Moeller, *' Ch. Hist.," Vol.
I., p. 419, seq. : Perry, " The Second Synod of ephesus " (contains

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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 343

the ** Syriac Acts of the Robber Synod," with English Translation);
Kriiger, '* Monopkvs, SinHigkiiUfr^ ; worlcs on me history of doc-
trine, especially those of Baur, Hamacl<, and Loofs, ana encycio-
pedia articles on the men« councils, etc., referred to in this section.

(/) Riuofihs Coutroversiy.

We have seen that the tendency of the Nestorian con-
troversy was to drive both parties to extremes. The
compromise between the Antiochian and the Alexandrian
schools really effected nothing; for though Cyril sub-
scribed to an Antiochian creed, he never abandoned his
twelve propositions and anathemas.

The fact that Cyril should have regarded it as expe-
dient to sign such a creed shows that a reaction had set
in, or at all events that the emperor was no longer will-
ing to support him in his extreme dogmatizing.

The learned Theodoret had assumed the leadership of
the Antiochian party, and his dialectic power was only
equaled by his wonderful tact. In 448 he published his
*'Eranistes," or " Beggar," in which he set forth in the
strongest light the logical tendencies of Monophysitism.
He maintained that Monophysitism cannot escape repre-
senting God as subject to suffering and change ; that in
a heathenish way it confounds the human and divine.
He did not direct his arguments against Cyril personally,
but rather against Apollinaris and his followers. In this
he showed great tact. His method was, not to confine
himself to the express doctrinal statements of his oppo-
nents in their proper connection, but to put the most ob-
jectionable construction on every statement, and then to
deduce the worst possible consequences from such con-
structions.

Cyril had died in 444, and had been succeeded by Di-
oscurus, a man of worse character and far less ability
than Cyril. Dioscurus was Cyril's ecclesiastical suc-
cessor, but his theological successor was the venerable
monk, Eutyches, archimandrite of a cloister in Constan-
tinople.

In 448, a synod, held at Constantinople, took substan-
tially the same ground that Theodoret had taken in op-
position to Monophysitism. Eutyches was charged with
holding to extreme Monophysite views, and refusing to

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344 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER.nL

admit a duality of natures in the incarnate Christ, and
the sameness in essence of Christ's body with our own,
was deposed.

(2) SiaUmna ofihs Opposing Viiws.

a. Eutyches* yiew of the Person of Christ. Eutychea
carried Cyril's doctrine of the complete fusion of the
natures to its logical result. He held :

(fi) That the body of Christ was not the body of a man

(^ewfia Sa/^pmnao), but a human body (jsmiia dv^pdmvov^,

(b) That the body of Christ was not the same in es-
sence with our bodies (6pLooufftov),

(c) That before the union our Lord was born of two
natures ; after the union there was only one nature dis-
tinguishable.

Eutyches is said to have illustrated his view of the di-
vine and the human in Christ by the case of a drop of
honey in the ocean. The human remains in some sense,
but is so overwhelmed by the divine infinity as to be
practically annihilated.

b. Opposing Views. Theodoret did not make any es-
sential innovation upon the views of Theodore and
Nestorius.

(a) In opposition to Eutyches' denial of the sameness
of essence of Christ's body with our own, he maintained
this sameness.

(b) He held that a union of the two natures had oc-
curred; hence he confessed one Christ, one Son, one
Lord.

{c) According to this view of the unmingled (dMfjpno^)
union, he confessed that the holy virgin was the '* mother
of God."

c. Substance of Leo^s Letter to Flavian. The occasion
and the historical importance of this epoch-making docu-
ment will be discussed hereafter. It is characteristic of
Western theology by reason of its practical character and
its lack of delicate distinctions. It is an attempt to recog-
nize the elements of truth in both Nestorianism and Eu-
tychianism, without following either to its extreme con-
sequences. Leo maintains, therefore :

(a) The true humanity of Christ. He supposes that
the teachings of the New Testament are unequivocal on

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CHAP. II.] CONTROVERSIES IN THE CHURCH 345

this point. He regards it as essential to Christ's redemp-
tive worl< that he should have truly taken our nature.
Hence, he rejects unconditionally the Eutychian view
which reduced the humanity of Christ, after the union of
the two natures, to an infinitesimal.

(b) The true divinity of the incarnate Word. This he
maintained in common with both parties in the contro-
versy.

(0 While each nature and substance maintained its
own properties unimpaired, the two came together in one
personality.

By reason of his human nature Christ was able to die ;
by reason of his divine nature he was not able to die.
He assumed the form of a servant without the contami-
nation of sin, augmenting the human, not diminishing the
divine. As God is not changed by the compassion, so
man is not consumed by the dignity. Each form does
with the communion of the other what is proper to it ;
the Word, namely, operating what belongs to it; the
flesh executing what belongs to the flesh. The one
gleams with miracles ; the other succumbs to injuries.

Leo's position was essentially that of the Antiochians.
His chief merit here consists in the fact that he adhered
rigidly to the Scriptures, allowing full weight to the hu-
manistic as well as to the theistic representations of the
incarnate Christ.

The new element that he introduced was the theory of
two complete natures in one person. Yet he did not give
any satisfactory explanation of this point.

He uses the term person somewhat vaguely. What he
means by two complete natures in one person seems to
be this : the divine Word and the man Jesus united, as
they are, form Jesus Christ. Of this complex being we
have in the New Testament representations which are
only applicable to his human nature: suffering, dying,
etc. ; and representations which are applicable only to
his divine nature : oneness with the Father, the perform-
ance of miracles, etc.

It was greatly to the advantage of the Roman See that
this formula of the union of two perfect natures in one
person, which has from that time been a leading article
of Christian faith, though crudely developed and imper-

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346 A MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY [PER. Ill

fectly apprehended, should have proceeded from a Ro-
man bishop.

The adoption of Leo's view by the Council of Chal-
cedon, was an important victory for the papacy.

is) Thi Stcond Council of Ephesus^ or ike '* Rohbir ^fmod" (449)*
The condemnation of Eutyches in the Constantinopol-
itan synod had aroused the most bitter enmity of the
monks of Constantinople, Ephesus, Alexandria, etc.,
against Flavian, patriarch of Constantinople. Dioscurus
was in constant communication with the imperial court,
and brought all his influence to bear against Flavian and
his party. Both parties wrote to Leo, bishop of Rome.
Leo addressed to Flavian the celebrated epistle treated
above, the drift of which was entirely adverse to Eu-
tychianism. Through the influence of Dioscurus and
Eutyches, the emperor was induced to call a council for
the adjustment of the matter. From the first there was
no intention of allowing a free discussion of the doctrinal
points involved. Theodoret, the great theologian of the
Antiochian party, was excluded from the council. Dios-
curus was appointed president of the council by the em-
peror, and the friends of Dioscurus were made assessors.
Flavian and his supporters were allowed to attend not as
judges or voters, but' to learn the decision of the council.
Troops of ferocious monks were introduced into the
assembly room for the purpose of intimidating such as
might be inclined to oppose the proceedings of Dioscurus.
Leo had sent deputies to the council with instructions to
secure the reading and recognition of his doctrinal letter.
But Dioscurus would not even allow the letter to '")e read.
Some that refused to join in the condemnation of Flavian
and his party were shut up in the assembly room, and
were forced by threats and blows to subscribe to the de-
crees of Dioscurus. Flavian received bodily injuries
which are thought to have resulted in his death. Such
proceedings as these were sure to lead to a reaction in
favor of the condemned party, especially as the indefat-
igable Leo was committed alike by his letter to Flavian,
and by his sense of official dignity which had been
grossly offended by the ab

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